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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




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MewC'onstitution 



-FOR THE- 



UNITED STATES. 



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FIRST EDITION. 



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ONSTITUTION 



-FOR THE- 



UNITED STATES. 



(By JAJtfES C. WEST. 






FIRST EDITION. «, ? jggg 

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Published By James C. West, 
Nixa, Missouri. 



^>pyT%htect 2890, by James C r 






— 3- 



INVOCATION. 

' 'Long live the man in early contest found, 
Who spoke his heart when dastards trembled round,, 
Who fired with more than Greek or Roman rage, 
Flashed truth on tyrants from his manly page — " 

Hail, ye who are yet patriotic freemen! Ye 
who love LIBERTY, want LIBERTY, and will 
die for LIBERTY! Ye who have, and will lay 
aside prejudice, and heed the precepts of the God- 
dess of Liberty! Ye who are bound in the shack- 
les of 4 'wage slavery V 1 Ye who are ensconced be- 
hind your millions! Ye from the highest to the 
lowest, whether in palace or hovel, all hail!! You I 
invoke; to you I address my views of humane 
government. Musing upon the conditions now 
existing, with that insatiate love of true born 
liberty, equity, and fraternity, I view a scene 
which I fain would dispel; a scene which is not 
fancy, nor theatrical, nor viewed in dreamy slum- 
bers, but a dreadful reality, to the sorrow of my 
fellow-beings. Of you I ask a favor, that will 
benefit not only a few, but the worthy whole: that 
I you will act with the prudence that our fore-fath- 
ers of 1776 displayed, when they divorced them- 
selves from the, tyrannical governmeut of King 
George III; that you will timely, and judiciously 

use the propriety of the ballot 

To you I dedicate the good of this little volume, 
that you may read and comprehend is my wish. 

JAMES C. WEST. 



GBATITUDE. 

To the kindness of J. C. Cravens, lawyer, of 
Springfield, Mo,, I feel greatly indebted for the 
use of his Statutes of the United States, which 
demonstrated to me the existence of national con- 
spiracy; also, from which I copied some of the in- 
iquitous laws to which I have referred to in this 
little volume. Nor am I less indebted to my 
friend Jacob Hartley, for the use of a book con- 
taining the President's messages, from which I 
gleaned the spirit of the framers of our Constitu- 
tion; but now I find said spirit banished from the 
halls of Congress. 

PBEFACE. 

"The pen is mightier than the sword/' 

This being a new subject, a new idea to the 
civilized world; and not knowing how it will be 
accepted by my people; it is with some degree 
of timidity and awkardness that I enter on this 
plan of relief. 

The design of this little volume is, not to 
make its content obligatory upon the people of 
the United States, but to call a halt in that course 
which so many nations have followed to their 
downfall, and are recorded on the pages of his- 
tory among the pale nations of the dead, as a 
failure in humane government. 

]\jTy purpose being to investigate the basic 
rules of government, which should be included in 



—5— 

all constitutions, whether in America; Europe, 
Asia or Africa. Also to call attention to the fact 
that all constitutions are interpreted by men, 
that have the "authority;" and that men get said 
"authority" through the "power" of the ballot 
or the bullet; and, that said "power," which 
gives "authority" to men, to interpret Constitu- 
tions, and make the law of nations, which govern 
the rich and poor, the high and low, has been 
THE MO^nEY POWER; this fact is verified by 
the history of all nations subject to the sways of 
human nature. And now I call your attention 
to the necessity of making all Constitutions an in- 
terpretation of their own provisions; and making 
their provisions especially for the benefit of labor- 
ing classes who earn by the sweat of the brow; 
and let aristocracy take care of themselves; but 
take care that the aristocracy is bridled, and 
that the reins are in the hands of the tillers of the 
soil; and that the tillers of the soil are owners in 
fee-simple; and that they have a constitutional 
power to guard their own liberty, and the liberty 
of all posterity. 

Therefore I present herein a Constitution for 
the people of the United States, and do not think 
that it contains all that I want in the Constitu- 
tion which governs me; but I only wish to show 
the principle which should be acted upon with- 
out delay. 

I am aware that T will be charged with sacri- 
lege, and that there will be severe criticism bv 



-6— 



both reformers and conservatives; but that will 
not injure my cause, for it will be the cause of an 
investigation, and the truth will be revealed, jus- 
tice will be defended, and my people shall not die 
martyrs to the cause of LIBERTY— if I do. 

I pardon all condemnation; I ask not for re- 
venge; but will contend for the "rights" of my 
fellow-beings; the moral rights, the just rights, 
to which I have a right by the virtue of my ex- 
istence in this world; and not the right to live, 
provided I serve the "money lords" of creation. 

THE AUTHOR. 



"Thy spirit Independence, O let me share, 
Lord of lion heart and eagle eye, 
They steps I'll follow with my bosom bare, 
Nor heed the storm that howls along the sky!" 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 

Adopted by Congress July 4, 1776. 



A Declaration by the Representatives of 

the United States of America, in 

Congress Assembled. 



When, in the course of human events, it be- 
comes necessary for one people to dissolve the 
political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers 



of the earth the separate and equal sta- 
tion to which the laws of nature and of nature's 
God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions 
of mankind requires that they should declare the 
causes which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that 
all meu are created equal, that they are endowed 
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur- 
suit of happiness: that, to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, deriving 
their just, powers from the consent of the governed; 
that, whenever any form of government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the 
people to alter or abolish it, and institute a new 
government, laying its foundation on such princi- 
ples, and organizing its powers in such form, as 
to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- 
tate that governments should not be changed for 
light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all 
experience hath shown that mankind are more 
disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, 
than to right themselves by abolishing the forms 
to which they are accustomed. But when a long 
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invar- 
iation the same object, evinces a design to reduce 
them under absolute despotism, it is their right, 
it is their duty, to throw off such government, 
| and to provide new guards for their future 
security. 



—8— 

Such tTas been the patient sufferance of the 
people of the United States, and such is now tho 
necessity which constrains them to alter former 
systems of government. The history of the gov- 
ernment of the United States, for the past "thirty 
years is: a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
pations, all having in direct object the establish- 
ment of absolute tyranny over the states of the 
United States. 

To prove this, let facts be submitted to a 
candid world: — 

That past and present rulers of the United States 
for the last thirty years has enacted a code of 
laws especially for the benefit of a "favored few" 
to the exclusion of the toiling many; that among 
this code, the following acts are a few of the most 
prominent: — 

1. The establishment of an excessive high 
protective tariff' system. 

2. The "exception clause' 7 on the Treasury 
notes, issued Feb. 25, 1862. 

3. The issueing of interest bearing bonds for 
every dollar of money issued during our last Civil 
War. 

4. The establishment of a National Banking 
System. 

5. The contraction of the currency in 1866. 

6. The act pledging the payment of the Uni- 
ted States Bonds in coin. 

7. The repeal of the Income Tax Law. 

8. The demonitization of silver, and thereby 
making gold the only standard of value. 



-9- 



9. The granting of the pubic domain to cor- 
porations ot local nature. 

10. The allowance of "money kinds'' to com- 
bine and exact exorbitant prices on the articles 
consumed by the tillers of the soil; and to pool and 
combine, thereby killing all free competition and 
honest industries; and that the following is the 
result of said and similar legislation: — 

That they have encouraged and excited that 
insatiate love of money, love of wealth, love of 
power to rule and live in luxury off that which 
they extort from honest labor; until the "vampire 
money power' ' can afford to spend millions of mon- 
ey in buying traitorous eloquent orators, and sub- 
sidizing the press, and issuing campaign circulars 
to blind and prejudice the people, so that it can 
"legally and illegally'' steal hundreds of millions 
from an innocent, slavish and toiling people 
through "unjust legislation;" that millions of 
money are hoarded in the Treasury of the United 
States, while millions of people are suffering from 
want of sufficient circulating medium; that a ma- 
jority of farmers, who produce the bread of life, 
have been, and are being compelled to mortgage 
their homes in order to live, and carry on their 
business under existing conditions; that the land 
and wealth of this nation are rapidly centralizing 
into the hands of a few men, evincing a tendency 
to subvert the rights granted to us by our fore- 
fathers of 1776; that general discontent has been 
created, halls of peace are converted into halls of 
Isedition, and our country is honeycombed with 
.secret organizations. 






—10— 
THE CONSTITUTION. 

Note. — A figure is placed at the beginning of each paragraph 
of the following copy of the Constitution, so that the paragraphs 
may be referred to by numbers. 

1. We, the people of the United States, in 
order to form a more perfect union, establish jus- 
tice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the 
common defense, promote the general welfare, 
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

SECTION I. 

2. All legislative powers herein granted 
shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
States, which shall consist of a Senate and House 
of Representatives. 

SECTION 2. 

3. The House of Representatives shall be 
composed of members chosen every second year 
by the people of the several States, and the elec- 
tors in each State shall have the qualifications 
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch 
of the State Legislature. 

4. ISo person shall be a representative who 
shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five 
years; also, he shall be a natural born American j 
citizen, and be an inhabitant of the state in which 
he shall be chosen. . 



—11— 

5. Representatives shall be apportioned 
among- the several states which may be included 
within this Union according to their respective 
numbers, which shall be determined by the last 
census, including all persons, except Indians, not 
taxed. 

6. The number of representatives shall be one 
for every 175,000 persons, counting the whole num- 
ber of persons, except Indians not taxed; also, one 
for every fraction over, provided, said fraction ex- 
ceed 100,000 persons. 

7. No person can become a member of the 
House of Representatives who is worth over $25,- 
000, or has any claim to any property worth over 
$25,000. 

8. When vacancies happen in the represent- 
ation irom any State, the executive authority 
thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such 
vacancies. 

9. The House of Representatives shall choose 
their Speaker and other officers, and shall have 
the sole power of impeaching its members and 
officers, and no person shall be convicted without 
concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 

section 3. 

10. The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, chosen 
each presidential election, by the qualified voters 
thereof for four years; and each Senator shall 
have one vote. 






—12— 

11. No person shall be a Senator who shall 
not have attained to the age of thirty-five years; 
also, he shall be a natural born American citizen, 
and be an inhabitant of the State for which he is 
chosen. 

12. No person can become a member of the 
Senate who is worth over §50,000, or has at his 
command or any claim to property worth over 
§50,000. 

13. The Vice-President of the United States 
shall be President of the Senate, but shall have 
no vote unless they be equally divided. 

14. The Senate shall choose their other offi- 
cers, and also a President pro tempore in the ab- 
sence of the Vice-President, or when he shall ex- 
ercise the office of President of the United States. 

15. The Senate shall have the sole power to 
impeach its own members and officers. When 
sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or 
affirmation. When the President of the United 
States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; 
and no person shall be convicted without the con- 
currence of two-thirds of the members present. 

SECTION 4. 

16. The times, places, and manner of holding 
electious for Senators and Representatives shall 
be prescribed in each State by the Legislature 
thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by 
law-, make or alter such regulations. 

17. The Congress shall assemble at least 
once in every year; and such meeting shall be on 



—13— 

the second Monday in January, unless they shall 
by law appoint a different day. 

SECTION 5, 

18. Each House shall be the judge of the 
election returns, and qualifications of its own 
members; and a three-fourths majority of its 
members shall constitute a quorum to do business, 
but a smaller number shall adjourn from day to 
day; and in case ihe absent members are physic- 
ally unable to attend, a three-fourths majority of 
the healthy members shall constitute a quorum; 
but in case the absent members of good health 
refuse or fail to be present in the assembly, with- 
out a reasonable excuse, a majority of the mem- 
bers present shall proceed to impeach said 
members. 

19. When vacancies happen in either House, 
the presiding officer thereof shall inform the ex- 
ecutive authority of the unrepresented State or 
States; and it shall be the duty of such authority, 
within ten days after such information is received, 
to issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

20. Each House shall determine the rules for 
its proceedings, censure its members for any ac- 
tion, expell any of its members for not complying 
with the provisions of this Constitution, or for 
disorderly behavior, and with the concurrent 
vote of two-thirds of its members, it shall im- 
peach any person violating any provision of this 
Constitution, and forever debar said member 
from holding any office of public trust under the 



—14— 

United States, unless such disability be removed 
by the concurrent vote of three-fourths of the 
members of the House from which he was ex- 
pelled. 

21. Each House shall keep a journal of its 
proceedings, and from time to time publish the 
same, excepting such parts as may in their esti- 
mation require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of 
either House on any bill, question, order or reso- 
lution shall be entered on the journal. 

SECTION 5. 

22. No person can become a member of either 
House who has not labored five years, after he has 
attained to the age of ten years, at either agricul- 
tural or some mechanical art. 

23. All members of each House shall be sub- 
ject to the call of the President; and shall be re- 
quired to assemble once every year; and the Sen- 
ate shall assemble once every year; and the 
Senate shall assemble at any time the House of 
Representatives shall assemble; and members of 
each House shall vote viva voce for or against all 
bills, motions, orders or resolutions that shall 
come before thern. 

24. All members of each House shall be re- 
quired to take the following oath : "I, , do 

solemnly swear, (or affirm), that I will do every- 
thing within my power to carry out the provisions 
of this Constitution, and do the greatest good to 
the greatest number; that I will not approve of 
anything contrary to the spirit of this Cohstitu- 



—15— 

tioo, either expressed or implied; that if I will- 
fully violate one precept or letter, I ask the verr 
geance of God upon me, and the universal detest- 
ation of mankind," 

25. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall 
not extend further than to removal from office, 
and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office 
of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States; 
but the party convicted shall nevertheless be lia- 
ble and subject to indictmeut, trial, judgment, 
and punishment, according to law. 

26. All members of each House shall be re- 
quired to attend all through each session, each 
day and each hour; and no member shall be 
excused, unless in case of dangerous sickness of 
himself or family ; and no member shall be 
allowed to pair votes with any other member or 
members. 

27. Neither House, during the session of 
Cougress, shall, without the consent of the other, 
adjourn for more than three days, nor to any 
other place than that in which the two Houses 
shall be sitting. 

SECTION 6. 

28. The Senators and Kepresentatives shall 
receive a compensation for their services, to be 
ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury 
of the United States. They shall in all cases, ex- 
cept treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be 
privileged from arrest during their attendance at 
the session of their respective Houses, and in go- 



—16— 

ing to and returning from the same; and for any 
speech or debate in either House, they shall nob 
be questioned in any other place. 

29. No Senator or Representative shall re- 
ceive a compensation exceeding- fifteen times the 
average amount of wages paid to laboring farm 
hands per year, counting 365 days per year minus 52 
Sundays, said average to be ascertained for the 
report of the Commissioner of Agriculture; except 
the Speaker of the House and President of the 
Senate, who shall receive twenty-five times said 
average amount and no more; except an allow- 
ance for stationery, newspapers and mileage, 
which shall be determined by Congress, but shall 
be no more than is actually and needfully re- 
quired; but in case of war prices they shall receive 
according to the wages existing prior to said 
event. 

30. No Senator or Representative shall, dur- 
ing the time for which he was elected, be appoint- 
ed to any civil office under the authority of the 
United States which has been created, or the 
emoluments whereof have been increased, during 
such time; and no person holding any office un- 
der the United States shall be a member of either 
House during his continuance in office. 

SECTION 7. 

31. Every bill shall originate and be passed 
or defeated as follows: "It shall be titled accord- 
ing to the object of its contents; and shall be 
signed by at least ten members, and presented to 



—17— 

to the proper officer, then shall be referred to the 
committee having jurisdiction over it; said com- 
mittee shall translate it into proper legal form, 
but shall not change it so as to defeat the object 
of the originator; if he has any objections to the 
form he shall state them, and the bill shall be 
changed till satisfactory with the originator, then 
it shall be read and presented to the House for 
discussion and vote, and every member shall vote 
viva voce for or against said bill, and the yeas and 
nays and names of persons voting shall be record- 
ed in the journal; if said bill is passed by a majority 
vote of both Houses, it shall then be presented to 
the President of the United States; if he approve, 
he shall sign it, then it shall become law accord- 
ing to its provisions; if he disapprove, he shall 
return it, with his objections, to that House in 
which it originated, who shall enter the objec- 
tions on their journal, and proceed to reconsider 
it; if after such reconsideration, two-thirds of 
that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be 
sent, together with the objections, to the other 
House, by which it shall be likewise considered; 
and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it 
shall become a law. If any bill shall not be return- 
ed by the President within ten days (Sundays ex- 
cepted) after it shall have been presented to him, 
the same shall become a law in like manner, as if 
he had signed it, unless the Congress by their ad- 
journment prevent its return; in which case it 
shall not become a law. 



—18— 

82. All bills for raising or reducing the reve- 
nue shall originate in the House of Representa- 
tives; but the Senate may propose or concur with 
amendments. 

33. All bills relating to the Finances of the 
United States, or Constitutional amendments, 
shall originate in the House of Representatives, 
and shall not be vetoed by either the President 
or Senate, if it passed the House of Representa- 
tives by a concurrent vote of two-thirds of its 
members; but such bills shall be presented to the 
President, and if he sign it, it shall become a law 
according to its provisions; but if he refuse to sign 
it, he shall send the bill, with his objections to 
the House of Representatives, within ten days af- 
ter he received such bill; then they shall proceed 
to reconsider, and if passed again by a concurrent 
vote of two-thirds of its members, it shall become 
a law to be executed. 

34. Every order, resolution, or bill passed by 
both Houses, or all Finance bills and bills of 
Constitutional Amendment, which passed the 
House of Representatives by a concurrent vote of 
two- thirds of its members, shall be presented to 
the President of the United States, and before the 
same shall go into effect, it shall be approved by 
him, or, if disapproved he shall send it back, with 
his objections, to the House in which it originated 
and be treated according to the rules and limita- 
tions prescribed in case of a bill. 



—19— 



SECTION 8. 



The Congress shall have power,— 

35. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, 
and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the 
common defense and general welfare, of the Unit- 
ed States; but all duties, imposts, and excises 
shall be uniform throughout the United States; 

36. But, shall not lay nor collect taxes, du- 
ties, imposts, and excises to such an excess, that 
money will accumulate in the treasury, more than 
is requisite for the necessary expenses of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States; 

37. And shall have power to, and shall lay a 
tax on the sumptuousness of the people of the 
United States; also, shall levy a graduated in- 
come and land tax; and all notes, mortgages and 
bonds, against the Government of the United 
States, or any individual, held or owned by any 
person, shall be taxable for one half the face value; 
and all such notes, mortgages, or bonds of any 
sort, shall be entered on the tax books, or become 
non-collectable by any court in law; 

39. To borrow money on the credit of the 
United States; 

40. Congress shall have no right to borrow 
on the credit of the United States, except in case 
of war or insurrection; and then not until the cir- 
culating medium has been increased to 360 sixty 
dollars per capita; and shall not issue any bonds 
of any kind until the per capita circulation sur- 
passes sixty dollars; 



—20— 

41. To regulate commerce with foreign na- 
tions, and among the several States, and with the 
Indian tribes; 

42. Congress shall make it a crime for any 
individual or corporation to attempt to, or make 
an arbitrary price, on any product consumed, or 
produced in the United States; also, any person 
or corporation who shall wilfully and knowingly 
engage in any pool, combine, trust or rebate sys- 
tem, shall be punished by imprisonment not less 
then three years; also, shall not make any appro- 
Diiation of public property to corporations of a 
local nature; 

43. To establish a uniform rule of naturaliza- 
tion, and uniform laws on the subject of bank- 
ruptcies, and shall make all interest laws uniform 
throughout the United States; 

44. To coin or issue money, regulate the value 
thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard 
of weights and measures; 

45. And shall have power to, and shall swell 
the circulating medium of the people of the 
United States to forty dollars per capita, and 
maintain it at that throughout the perpituity of 
this Constitution; said per capita to be deter- 
mined by the Superintendent of the Census, every 
year, and accepted by Congress, who shall order 
the Treasurer to issue the estimated amount, 
which shall be subject to the expenditures and 
demands of the Government of the United States; 

46. Congress shall make all moneys a legal 



—21— 

tender for all debts, with no exception; and shall 
issue no interest or non-interest bearing bonds to 
maintain a forty dollar per capita circulating 
medium. 

47. Congress shall not delegate to any indi- 
vidual or corporation the power to regulate or 
issue a single dollar of the volume of money, ex- 
cept the Treasurer by order of Congress; 

48. Congress shall make it a crime of treason 
for any person to attempt to depreciate any money 
of the United States; or receive, or buy, any dol- 
lar for less or more than one hundred cents; or to 
counterfeit any of the United States notes or se- 
curities; 

49. To provide for the punishment of coun- 
terfeiting the securies, treasury notes and current 
coin of the United States; 

50. To establish post-offices and post-roads; 

51. To promote the progress of science and 
useful arts, by securing for limited times, to 
authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their 
respective writings and discoveries; 

52. To constitute tribunals inferior to the 
Supreme Court; 

53. To define and punish piracies and felon- 
ies committed on the high seas, and offenses 
against the law of nations; 

54. To declare war, grant letters of marque 
and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures 
on laud and water; 

55. To raise and support armies; 



—22— 

56. But all moneys appropriated in raising 
and supporting armies shall be gradually with- 
drawn from circulation by taxation, and destroy- 
ed, and no bonds issued in their place, within ten 
years after the war; provided, the amount 
does not exceed sixty dollars per capita; and in 
case the amount exceed sixty dollars per capita 
time shall be extended one year for every one hun- 
dred millions of dollars issued over said amount; 
and all bonds issued for the support of armies by 
order of Congress, shall be redeemed in any legal 
currency of the United States, after the circula- 
tion has been reduced to forty dollars per [capita 
at the rate of one hundred millions of dollars per 
year; and any person holding bonds against the 
United States, shall deliver the same to the Treas- 
urer of the United ^States, upon demand, within 
thirty days (Sundays excepted) after receiving 
such notice; and any person refusing to deliver, or 
demanding a premium for such bonds, shall for- 
feit his right to such bonds, and they shall be con- 
fiscated to the Government of the United States, 

57. To provide and maintain a navy; 

58. To provide and maintain a navy; but in 
case of invasion, war or insurrection, all appro- 
priations for increase of navy and maintenance of 
such increase shall be subject to the sama rules 
and limitations of supporting armies. 

59. To make rules for the government and 
regulation of the land and naval forces ; 

60. To provide for calling forth the militia to 



—23— 

execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
tions, and repel invasions; 

61. To provide for organizing, arming, and 
disciplining the militia, and for governing such 
part of them as may be employed in the service 
of the United States, reserving to the State res- 
pectively the appointment of the officers, and the 
authority of training the militia according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress; 

62. To compensate every officer created un- 
der this Constitution; but shall compensate ac- 
cording to their own salary, considering the 
amount of actual labor performed, and the amount 
of accomplishments requisite to perform said 
labor, and with a view of justice and economy; 

63. To exercise exclusive legislation in all 
cases whatsoever over such district (not exceed- 
ing ten miles square) as may, by cession of par- 
ticular States and the acceptance of Congress, be- 
come the seat of the Government of the United 
States; and to exercise like authority over all 
places purchased, by the consent of the Legisla- 
ture of the State in which the same shall be, for 
the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock- 
yards, and other needful buildings. And, — 

64. To make all laws which shall be neces- 
sary and proper for carrying into execution the 
foregoing powers, and all other powers vested in 
this Constitution in the Government of the United 
States, or in any department or officer thereof. 



-24— 



SECTION 9. 



65. The immigration or importation of such 
persons as Congress thinks are detrimental, and 
not promoting the general welfare, shall be pro- 
hibited by statutory laws. 

66. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus 
shail not be suspended, unless when, in eases of 
rebellion or invasion, the public safety may re- 
quire it. 

67. No bill of attain er, or ex~post~faeto law, 
shall be passed. 

68. No capitation tax shall be laid, unless in 
proportion to the census or enumeration herein- 
before directed to be taken. 

69. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles 
exported from any State. No preference shall be 
given by any regulation of commerce or revenue 
to the ports of one State over those of another; 
nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be 
obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

70. No money shall be drawn from the treas- 
ury but in consequence of appropriations made by 
law; and a regular statement and account of the 
receipts and expenditures of all money shall be 
published from time to time. 

71. No title of nobility shall be granted by 
the United States; and no person holding any 
office of profit or trust under them shall, without 
the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, 
emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, 
from any king, prince, or foreign state. 



—25— 

SECTION 10. 

72. No State shall enter into any treaty, 
alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque 
and reprisal; coin money; emit bills and credits; 
make any thing but the legal money of the United 
States a tender in payment for debts; pass any 
bill of attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impair- 
ing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title 
of nobility. 

73. No State shall, without the consent of 
the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on im- 
porrts or exports, except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection laws; and 
the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by 
any State on imports or exports shall be for the 
use of the treasury of the United States, and all 
such laws shall be subject to the revision and 
control of the Congress. No State shall without 
the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
keep troops or ships-of-war in time of peace, enter 
into any agreement or compact with another State 
or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as 
will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

SECTION 1. 

74. The executive power shall be vested in 
a President of the United States of America. He 
shall hold his office during the term of four years, 



—26— 

and together with the Vice-President chosen for 
the same term, be elected as follows: — 

75. Re shall be elected by the qualified vo- 
ters of the United States, having the qualifictions 
requisite to the electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State Legislature ; and the candi- 
date for President, also the candidate for Vice- 
President receiving the largest number of votes? 
shall act as President and Vice-President of the 
United States. 

76. No person except a natural born citizeu 
of the United States, shall be eligible to the of- 
fice of President; neither shall any person be elli- 
gible to such office who shall not have attained to 
the age Q.f thirty-five years, and have been four- 
teen years a resident within the United States; 
or, who shall have served one term as President 
of the United States; and no person constitutional- 
ly ineligible to the office of President, shall be 
elligible to the office of Vice-President. 

77. The President shall at stated times by 
order of Congress, receive for his services a com- 
pensation, which shall not exceed one hundred 
and twenty-five times the average ^amount of 
wages paid to laboring farm hands per year, count- 
ing SG5 days one year; said average to be deter- 
mined from 'report of Commissioner of Agricul- 
ture; but in case of war prices, he shall receive ac- 
cording to the prices prior to said event; and he 
shall not receive, within his term of office, any 
other emolument from the United States, or any 



-27- 



of them; except an allowance to be made by Con- 
gress, for stationery, household expense, mileage 
to and from the Capitol to his home once a year, 
but no allowance shall be Constitutional, that ex- 
ceed actual needs, and within the purview of 
economy and justice. 

78. Before he shall enter on the execution of 
his office, he shall take the following oath or affir- 
mation : — I — - do solemnly swear or af- 
firm that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States; and will to the 
best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend 
the Constitution of the United States; and that I 
will not approve of any thing contrary to the 
spirit of our Constitution, or disapprove of any 
thing in accordance with the Constitution of the 
United States, either by actions expressed or im- 
plied; and, that if I wilfully violate one precept 
or letter, I ask the vengeance of God upon me, 
and the universal detestation or mankind. 

*79. In case of the removal of the President 
from office, or of his death, resignation, or inabil- 
ity to discharge the powers and duties of the said 
office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-Presi- 
dent; and the Congress may by law provide for 
the case of removal, death, resignation, or inabil- 
ity, both of the President and Vice-President, de- 
claring what officer shall then act as President, 
and such officer shall act accordingly until the 
disability be removed, or a President shall bu 
elected. 






—28— 



SECTION 2. 



80. The President shall be conimander-in- 
chief of the army and navy of the United States, 
and of the militia of the several States when 
called into the actual service of the United States- 
he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
principal officer in each of the executive depart- 
ments, upon any subject relating to the duties of 
their respective offices; and he shall have power 
to grant repreives and pardons for offenses against 
the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

81. He shall have power, by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, 
provided two-thirds of the Senators present con- 
cur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint, 
ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, 
judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers 
of the United States whose appointments are not 
herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
established by law: but the Congress may by law 
vest the appointment of such inferior officers as 
they think proper in the President alone, in the 
courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

section 3. 

82. He shall, from time to time, give to the 
Congress information of the state of the Union, 
and recommend to their consideration such meas- 
ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; 
he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both 






—29- 

louses or either of them; he shall receive ambas- 
sadors and other public ministers; he shall take 
care that the laws be faithfully executed, and 
shall commission all the officers of the United 
States. 

83. And in case of a disagreement between 
the two Houses, with respect to adjournment of 
session, a majority vofce of the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall determine the time. 

section 4. 

84. The President, Vice-President, and all 
civil officers of the United States, shall be removed 
from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, 
treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- 
demeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

SECTION 1. 

85. The judicial power of the United States 
shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such 
inferior courts as Congress may, from time to 
time, ordain and establish. 

86. The judges, both of the supreme and in- 
ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good 
behavior; aud shall, at stated times, receive for 
their services a compensation, which shall not be 
dimished during their continuance in office. 

section 2. 
1. The judicial power shall extend to all 
cases in law and equity arising under this Con- 



—30- 

stitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treatist made or which shall be made under their 
authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers, and consuls; to ail cases 
of admirality and inaritine jurisdiction; to con- 
troversies to which the United States shall be a 
party; (to controversies between two or more 
States,) between a State and citizens of another 
State between citizens of different States, between 
citizens of the same State claiming lands under 
grants of different Slates, and between a State, or 
the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, 
or subjects. 

88. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other 
public ministers, and consuls, aud those in which 
a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall 
have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases 
before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have 
appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 
with such exceptions and under such regulations 
as the Congress shall make. 

89. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of 
impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial 

, shall be held in the State where the said crimes 
shall have been committed: but when not com- 
mitted within any State, the trial shall be at 
such place or places as the Congress may by law 
have directed, but the Supreme Court shall not 
have power to abrogate any law affecting the 
finances of the United States, which passed the 
House of Representatives, or can be passed said 



—31— 

House by a concurrant vote of two-thirds of its 
members. 

90. Treason against the United States shall 
consist only in levying- war against them, or in 
adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and 
comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, 
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the 
same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

91. The Congress shall have power to declare 
the punishment of treason; but no attainder of 
treason shall work corruption of blood, or for- 
feiture, except during the life of the person 
attained. 

ARTICLE IV. 

SECTION 1. 

92. Full faith and credit shall be given in 
each State to the public acts, records, and judicial 
proceedings, of every other State. And the Con- 
gress may, by general law r s, prescribe the manner 
in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall 
be proved, and the effect thereof. 

section 2. 

93. The citizens of each State shall be enti- 
tled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in 
the se\eral States. 

94. A person charged in any State with trea- 
son, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from 
justice and be found in another State, shall, on 
demand of the executive authority of the State 



—32— 

from which he fled, be delivered up, to be re- 
moved to the State having* jurisdiction of the 
crime. 

95. No person held to service or labor in one 
State under the laws thereof, escaping into an- 
other, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- 
tion therein, be discharged from such service or 
labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may be due. 

section 3. 

96. New States may be admitted by the Con- 
gress into this Union; but no new State shall be 
formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
other State, nor any State be formed by th ej unc- 
tion of two or more States, or parts of States, 
without the consent of the legislatures of the 
States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 

97. The Congress shall have power to dispose 
of and make all needful rules and regulations 
respecting the territory, or other property, be- 
longing to the United States; and nothing in this 
Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice 
any claims of the United States or of any particu- 
lar State. 

section 4. 

98. The United States shall guarantee to 
every State in this Union a republican form of gov- 
ernment, and shall protect each of them against 
inyasion, and, on application of the legislature or 
of the executive (when the legislature can not be 
convened), against domestic violence. 



—33- 

ARTICLE V. 

99. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of 
both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall pro- 
pose amendment to this constitution, or, on the 
application of the legislatures of two-thirds of 
the several States, shall call a convention for 
proposing amendments, which, in either case, 
shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part 
of this Constitution, when ratified by the legisla- 
tures of three-fourths of the several States, or by 
conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one 
or the other mode of ratification may be proposed 
by the Congress: provided that no amendment 
shall be made, which will render null and void 
any provision of this Constitution, unless such 
amendment be made by the concurrence of three- 
fourths of the members of a full House; and then 
be presented to the people to be voted upon by 
yeas and nays at tha next general election, and a 
majority vote shall adopt or reject; and to make 
an additional amendment, only a concurrent vote 
of three-fourths of the members of the House of 
Representatives, shall be necessary. * 

ARTICLE VI. 

100. All debts contracted, and engagements 
entered into, before the adoption of this Constitu- 
tion, shall be as valid against the United States, 
under this Constitution, as under the old Con- 
stitution. 



—34- 

101. The phrase "as valid" shall not be con- 
strued to mean that all obligations shall be ful- 
filled, unless said obligations are in harmony with 
this Constitution or justice between man and man ? 
or Government and subject. 

102. The Senators and Representatives before 
mentioned, and the members of the several State 
legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers 
both of the United States and the several States t 
shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support 
this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever 
be required as a qualification to any office or pub- 
lic trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

103. The ratifications of the Conventions of 
two-thirds of the States shall be sufficient for the 
establishment of this Constitution between the 
States so ratifying the same. 



MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS. 

ARTICLE I. 

104. Congress shall make no law respecting 
an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the 
free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of 
speech or of the press; or the right of the people 
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the govern- 
ment for a redress of grievances. 



—35— 

ARTICLE II. 

105. A well-regulated militia being necessaiy 
to the security of a free State, the right of the 
people to keep and bear arms shall not be in- 
fringed. 

ARTICLE III. 

106. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be 
quartered in any house without the consent of the 
owner; nor in time of war but in a manner pre- 
scribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

107. The right of the people to be secure in 
their persons, houses, papers and effects, against 
unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be 
violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, 
and particularly describing the place to be 
searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

108. No person shall be held to answer for a 
capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a 
presentment or indictment of a grand jury, ex- 
cept in cases arising in the land or naval forces, 
or in the militia, when in actual service, in time 
of war or public danger; nor shall any person be 
subject, for the same offense, to be twice put in 
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled 
in any criminal case, to be a witness against him- 



—36— 

self; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property 
without due process of law; nor shall private 
property be taken for public use, without just 
compensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 

109. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial 
by an impartial jury of the State and district 
wherein the crime shall have been committed, 
which district shall have been previously ascer- 
tained by law; and to be informed of the nature 
and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with 
the witnesses against him; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and 
to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 

ARTICLE VII. 

1 10. In suits at common law, where the value 
in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the 
right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no 
fact, tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-exam- 
ined in any court of the United States than ac- 
cording^to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

111. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor 
excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishments inflicted. 



—37— 

ARTICLE IX. 

112. The enumeration in the Constitution of 
certain rights shall not be construed to deny or 
disparage others retained by the people\ 

ARTICLE X. 

113. The powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it 
to the States, are reserved to the States respec- 
tively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XL 

114. The judicial power of the United States 
shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law 
or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of 
the United States by citizens of another State, or 
by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

116. Neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
tude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted, shall 
exist within the United States, or any place sub- 
ject to their jurisdiction. 

ARTICLE XIV. 

117. All persons born or naturalized in the 
United States, and subject to the jurisdiction 
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of 



—38— 

the State wherein they reside. No State shall 
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of the United 
States; nor shall any State deprive any person of 
life, liberty, or property, without due process of 
law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdic- 
tion the equal protection of the laws. 

117. But neither the United States nor any 
State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
iucurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
the United States, or any claim for the loss or 
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, ob- 
ligations, and claims, shall be held illegal and void. 

ARTICLE XV. 

118. The right of the citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by 
the United States or any State on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 



?HE VINDICATION OF THIS PRO- 
POSED NEW CONSTITUTION. 



Note. — I shall refer you to each paragraph by number. 
Then, I request you to turn and read the paragraph which has 
the number on the left of its margin. 

No. 1. I now refer you to the Preamble, No. 1. 
I leave this unchanged, for it covers all the ground 
necessary; it demands enough to secure peace, 
prosperity, and perpetual liberty to any people. 

No. 4. This forbids any man to become a mem- 
ber, unless he is a natural born American citizen. 
The reason why is : to prevent a foreigner from 
representing the people of the United States. I 
deny their being capable of representing true 
Americanism; but don't understand, that I mean 
that they are all unpatriotic; for some foreigners 
are more ardent lovers of America, than of their 
mother country. But in case of foreign war, the 
foreigner would be likely to show a preference be- 
tween their mother country and other countries. 
As it is the nature of man, to have a prejudice 
against a country that has in time past, done his 
mother country an injury. The history of the 
World, is a history of war, almost without cessa- 
tion. Therefore, there is surely some prejudice in 
the mind of any foreigner ; hence they must not 
be allowed the privilege of representing the peo- 
ple of the United States of America. 

No. 6. This clause is to prevent the House 
from being composed of an insufficient number to 
insure representation. And with the view that 
one man can represent this number of persons 
justly, and no more, that is, not many more. 



—40— 

No. 7. This clause is to put a break on the 
money power, that is, to some extent; so that 
the Government will not drift into an aristocratic 
Government; and for the reason that an exceed- 
ing rich man will not legislate for the interest of 
a laboring man. 

No. 10. This clause is changed, and the mode 
of electing Senators is given to the direct vote of 
the people: for the reason that it is the best to ob- 
tain the voice of the people; that it is easier to 
buy a majority vote of the legislature, than to buy 
a majority of the popular vote. And th# time of 
electing is changed to the election of the Presi- 
dent, for the reason that a Senate aud a President 
elected at the same time would be more likely to 
agree, on account of their being elected on the 
same issues. And the Senate would go out of 
power in case the people changed their politics, 
and enthroned a different political power; hence 
there would be more harmony between the peo- 
ple, legislative and executive powers. There are 
many reasons for this clause, and I can't take the 
space to enumerate all. In the eyes of justice it 
carries conviction, without any further argument. 

No. 11. This change is for the same reason as 
regards Representatives, See No. 4. 

No. 12. This is to rout the millionaires out 
of the hall of legislatures, for similar reasons used 
in defense of No. 7. 

No. 17. This change in assembling is made 
for the reason that wheo Congress assembles in 
December it has to adjourn during holidays; and 
according to this change they will commence after 
holidays, and they need not be to the expense of 
coming home to spend the holidays, but proceed 
with their business without interruption until 
their adjournment. 



—41— 

No. 18. The object of this clause is to have 
all members of Congress present during the enact- 
ment^ of laws; and then all the people will be 
represented. The history of the past shows that 
a bare majority has been doing the legislation, 
while the balance were on a pleasure trip, or fish- 
ing tour, that were not sick; hence, only a little 
over three-fourths bf the people have been repre- 
sented. And, furthermore, this will put a stop to 
members staying away for the purpose of blind- 
ing their constituents in regard to how they vote, 

No. 19. The object of this change is to cause 
any unrepresented people to immediately obtain 
representation. 

No. 20. The object of this change is to com- 
pel strict obedience to the provisions of this Con- 
stitution. 

No. 21. The object here is to make known to 
the World, especially the constituents of the 
Govarnment of the United States, all that takes 
place in Congress, especially as to who and how 
each member votes on a question of importance, 
then their constituents will know whether to send 
them back or not. 

No. 22. The object in this clause is to have 
men in Congress who know what the word labor 
means, from not only its Greek root, but by the 
virtue of experience. Men who don't know what 
work is are not qualified to represent the bone 
and muscle of this land. • 

No. 23. The material change here is to com- 
pel all members to vote on all questions; therefore 
all the people will be represented; will also know 
how each member votes. As all Representatives 
are elected by the people; and that the people ex- 
pect them to go and represent them on all ques- 
tions, it is their duty to vote for or against all 
questions. To illustrate the necessity of enforcing 



—42— 

this provision : Suppose that the aristocracy had 
a bill in Congress, and that some members would 
not vote, and by their not voting against the 
aristocratic bill they would vote for it; therefore 
you see the point. 

No. 24. This is to make an impression on all 
conscientious men; for it is theduty of Congress- 
men to do exactly right; hence none can object to 
taking this oath. 

No. 26. This clause is to prevent Congressmen 
from leaving the assembly, then going home to 
canvass their distrct for re-election. 

No. 29. This clause is for the purpose of hav- 
ing the salary of public officers iucrease and de- 
crease, according to the increase and decrease of 
Labor's salary. The reason for making the 
amount fifteen times greater is: to qualify one to fill 
the position, requires a great amount of time and 
study; hence, such a man should receive more for 
his labor, on account of having spent so much 
time in preparing himself for the position. Calcu- 
lating fourteen dollars per month, $168. per year 
for farm hands. The present salary ofCongressmen 
which is $5,000, and is twenty-nine and one sixth 
times greater than the present wages paid to labor. 
And according to the rate of fifteen times greater, 
they will receive $2,520, with the exception of the 
President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House 
of Representatives, which will receive $4,200. 
whereas, heretofore they have been getting $8,000. 
which is equal to forty-seven and thirteen twenty 
first times greater than the present wages paid 
to labor. I presume this needs no further argu- 
ment. 

. No. 31. This clause carries conviction in its 
own language, without argument; but I will add 
a few lines in defense. First, it puts a stop to 
the introduction of bills, which are without a ray 



—43— 

of hope. Second, it puts> stop to the killing of 
bills in the Committee room, by a Committee ap- 
pointed by the dominant faction of the assembly. 
Third, it serves as a test of the politics of mem- 
bers, by compelling them to vote for or against all 
bills. Then the people will know who they are 
voting for, and what he will do, judging the fu- 
ture by the past. 

No. 33. This provision will probably cause a 
great controversy. And now we will examine its 
merits or demerits, either of which you may 
choose to call. First, it preveuts the aristocra- 
cy of the Senate, from vetoing the will of the peo- 
ples 7 nearest friends, to wit, the House of Repre- 
sentatives. Second, it prevents the President 
from vetoiug the almost direct will of the people; 
and gi\esto the Representatives, that respect and 
dignity naturally due them. Third, it makes it 
impossible for the President to rule the people 
regardless of their wish, and makes each man 
more of a sovereign than ever before. Who will 
be the man to raise a dissenting voice or action 
to this provision? Let him rise in his imbecile 
proportions, and with his sophistry, defend his 
perilous position, which will prove more deceiving 
than building on sand. 

No. 36. This clause is to prevent the collec- 
tion of more revenue than necessary for the ex- 
penditures of the Government economically ad- 
ministered. Here I refrain from pages of argu- 
ment which might be added. 

No. 37. This clause compels Congress to levy 
a tax on the aristocratic indulgences. Also, gives 
a command, that Congress shall levy a graduated 
income and land tax. This being the only equita- 
ble taxation, that was ever instituted by man; so 
conceded by all true writers on political economy. 
Also, this provision exposes all property to taxa- 






tfon. Ifc is just because all property will bring a 
man an income if he will rightly handle it; there- 
fore he should be compelled to pay a tax on all 
property. 

No. 40. This clause prohibits Congress from 
borrowing money from any individual or power, 
until they have issued a full legal tender curren- 
cy to the amount of sixty dollars per capita. This 
is nothing more than the duty of Congress in pro- 
viding for the common defense. 

No. 42. This clause declares its object, and 
if carried out, it will prevent untold crimes, which 
are being committed every day of every year, 

No. 45. This clause is a compromise between 
two extremes, and as you are aware, that this 
Constitution is not yet binding, don't be scared. 
This is the clause which will bring forth contro- 
versy, and will make the usury gatherers curse. 
It will make money plenty, with volume 
steady; thereby make the prices of labor and its 
products unvarying, except the slight changes 
made by supply and demand, which will be tem- 
porary, and not a continual decrease of Labor's 
prices, regardless of supply and demand as it has 
been since 1866. In 1866 the people had a circula- 
ting medium in the hands of the people to about 
$2,000,000,000. Today according to the World Al- 
manac,the total of money in the United States is 
$2,092,601,153. But where is all this money, is it 
in the hands of the people? No Sir, the same re- 
port of the Secretary of the Treasury, states that 
$712,184,062. are in the Treasury of the United 
States, also states that $318,031,287. are held in 
National Banks, this giving a total of $1,030,215,- 
349, which are hoarded from circulation in the 
Treasury and in National Banks alone; now take 
about $300,000,000, held by other banks; leaving 
the people about ten dollars per capita. In 186( 



—45— 

the people had$50 perapita. The money was for 
about two years rapidly drawn from circulation 
by the shylock legislation, through the infernal 
bond system; and since then there has been a 
gradual decrease of the circulating medium by 
hoarding in the Treasury. This process of con- 
traction has made money dear; hence, labor has 
been made cheap; interest has become harder to 
pay; the profit of labor has decreased, while the 
profits of the creditor class have increased; and 
labor always being the debtor class, while money 
power is the creditor class. Therefore, you can 
see that by legislation the money power has 
been especially favored, and that by legislation 
labor has been, and is to-day especially damned. 
Furthermore, you can see that, when this provi- 
sion goes into force, the volume of money will re- 
main the same; that no advantage will be granted 
to either of the two classes; and, that both classes 
will be in possession of their moral rights. 

No. 46. The simple and plain reason for this 
provision is that all money should be equal — not 
have one kind of money redeemable with another 
kind, but let every dollar be on an equal basis; 
and the motto of a government should be: To 
have all money made of the same material, and 
that the material should be as cheap as possible, 
for to have a dear money, it costs the people a 
sum equal to the amount of dearness; and, inas- 
much as the legal value of all money is an obliga- 
tion of a government, in which said government 
agrees to pay all such obligations; and it is the 
duty of all governments, as well as an individual, 
to meet all just demands which they have right- 
fully, contracted; then should any independent 
nation make a contract in constitutionally and 
rightfully promoting the general welfare, .it 
should meet all such obligations; and, further- 
more, should any such independent nation after- 



—4&— 

ward become a province to any other nation, or 
revolutionize, its just obligations become no more 
impaired, and the constituents of all such con- 
quered and revolutionized nation should pay 
their honest debts, for the same reason individu- 
als should pay their honest debts — because they 
owe them. Henee, the cheaper a money is, the 
better it is; and the more convenient, the better 
still; and, as one kind is as good as another, from 
a legal standpoint. Therefore, the cheapest and 
more convenient money is best money for the peo- 
ple; and all governments should adopt the best 
plans. Again, as this provision forbids the issu- 
ing of any kind of bonds to maintain a forty dol- 
lar per capita circulation; and, as this idea has 
never been practiced, you may thiuk it too absurd 
for your attention; but I entreat you to notice the 
import of the following lines: First, you are 
aware that a bond is a written promise, made un- 
der seal, to pay a -certain sum of money, at a cer- 
tain time, with a certain rate of interest. And, 
you are also aware that Treasury notes, (paper 
currency,) is a demand upon the treasury of the 
government, wherein said government agrees to 
pay face value of any of its notes. 

Now, you know that all government bonds 
and notes are issued by governments. You know 
that as long as the contractors exist, they are 
bound to pay all their bonds and notes, but 
not bound to pay no more nor less than their 
face value. You, also know that a bond is no bet- 
ter, nor no worse than a note, that is, in an intrin- 
sic sense. Again, you know that government 
bonds and notes are both obligations of said gov- 
ernment, in which it agrees to pay their face val- 
^ue. Now, considering these foregoing proposi- 
tions. I call your attention to the reason why 
these obligations are issued. First, bonds are is- 
sued to obtain money, without increasing the cir- 



—47— 

dilation. Bonds call for an interest bearing debt* 
Bonds call for money, and should obtain it; also, 
they bind a government to pay as much money 
as they obtain, with interest thereon, until paid: 
this is the true meaning of bonds. But this was 
not the purpose of the bonds issued in our last 
Civil War. They were issued for the purpose of 
legally stealing the circulating medium from the 
people; and the design was carried out to the ut- 
ter destruction of all innocent, and honest busi- 
ness managers. Bonds have been issued hereto- 
fore, and claimed to be for the purpose of making 
the money of the government good. However, 
the claim "has been a delusion; furthermore, it has 
proved to be a scheme to rob honest labor; and is 
a lie from title to end. I ask in the name of rea- 
son : how can an obligation of any kind, enhance 
or maintain the value of a similar obligation? 
No Sir, the plan hitherto used in issuing of bonds, 
does not, never did, nor never will enhance or 
maintain the value of money in the eyes of reason. 
In fact, the issuing of bonds in time of war, 
and then not sell them till after the war is over, 
also duriug said war issue a large amount of pa- 
per currency with which to pay the debts of a 
government; then when the war was over retire 
the money, (steal-it,) from the people, after the 
people have earned it, and need all they have 
got, then burn in bonfires and otherwise destroy 
the money of the people, and, furthermore, above 
or below all the damning schemes that were ever 
perpetrated against mankind, was the creation of 
an interest-bearing debt against the people, there- 
by compelling the people to pay again the same 
amount of money that they paid once by their 
services in the civil war, together with a 
premium and interest from date till paid. To do 
all this is more criminal than cold-blooded mur- 
der or treason. Yes, I repeat! He who willfully 



—48— 

committed such is guilty of crime more heinous 
than deliberate murder, or treason against blind 
justice! Of all this the Government ol the United 
States is guilty; done in malice aforethought, or 
in innocence and caielessness; or, done with both, 
which is probably the case. All this has been 
done, and it is claimed to be a correct interpreta- 
tion of our Constitution. 

No. 47. Now, you read a provision which 
contains an edict against an institution (money 
power's plausible stealing process, to-wit., Na- 
tional Banks,) and said institution has been and 
is being applauded as the essence of justice, poli- 
cy and principle; also, it has been and is to day 
condemned as unjust and impolitic, and uncon- 
stitutional. The latter proposition I affirm and 
shalll in a brief way attempt to argue. In the 
first place it is unjust: For the reason that it 
places a controlling volume of the people's money 
into the banks, at the power of the aristocracy, 
subject to the ambition and cupidity of a class of 
existing mortal men, who are as inhuman as the 
Shylocks of old. Although civilization forbids 
their taking a "pound of flesh" nearest the heart, 
the "law" gives them the absolute right, with 
immunity, to exact from honest labor a sufficient 
amount of labor's just reward to satiate that ava- 
ricious and natural desire of aristocracy. 

The National Banking system places the mon- 
ey, which should be in the hands of the whole 
people, in the hands of a few privileged individu- 
als. Said system is granted the right to increase 
or decrease the volume of money at will ; thereby 
increasing and decreasing the prices of labor and 
the products of labor; hence placing" honest labor' 7 
that worthy, and noble calling, and essential prop 
to national prosperity, on a quicksand foundation. 
And this mode of proceedure destroys honesty, 



—49— 

and inculcates a disposition of hipocrisy ; forces 
the people into an artificial state, soou to fall into 
the clutches of an absolute despotic niouey power 
and be subjected to tyranny of the darkest hue. 
Therefore, the system is impolitic, and should 
be annulled, and its direful effects held to the 
World, serving to arrouse the disdain of wise and 
patriotic men, that may live in the future; and 
may its advocates, and their plausible arguments 
be consigned to the labyrinths of obliviou. 

The system is unconstitutional, for the reason: 
that the Preamble of the Constitution, states id 
its second provision, that it is for the purpose of 
establishingjustice. Now, the system is grant- 
ing to a few a monopoly of a power, which should 
belong to the whole people. The money is the 
life's blood of a nation's prosperity, to a great de- 
gree, and serves the same function to a nation's 
civilization and prosperity, that blood does to the 
physical body. The blood of a body being good, 
the health is good; also, the the blood being im- 
pure, the health is virtually destroyed until the 
impurities are cleansed therefrom. Hence, the 
money of a nation being inferior, business is stag- 
nated, peace and prosperity gives place to halls 
of sedition, strikes, lockouts, and starvation. 

And when the people would thrive and strike 
a blow for liberty, this system exerts its power, 
it stops the circultion ot blood in the strong arm 
of Independence, paralizes Liberty's defense, and 
administers the drug that produces the deadly 
stupor of inaction and servility, until the would 
be actor is bound in the chains of tyranny, while 
hugging and praising the delusive phantom of 
hope. Now listen to the language of Andrew 
Jackson, that old patriot who loved his country, 
and served it the best he knew how : "Every act 
of Congress, therefore, which attempts, by grants 
of monopoly, or sale of exclusive privileges, for a 



—50— 

limited time, or or for a time without limit, to re- 
strict or extinguish its own discretion in the choice 
of *means to execute its delegated powers, is 
equivalent to a legislative Amendment of the 
Constitution, and is palpably unconstitutional. 77 

Who could write in English language, an ex- 
pression more emphatic and retain such power of 
logic, than the foregoing. I request you to read 
the words again, then ask yourself: who is he, 
that is so dull of comprehension, that he cannot 
perceive the unconstitutionality of the National 
Banking System? 

No. 48. This provision is nothing more than a 
correct definition of the term treason. And the 
definition is no deviation from the rule of judging 
what is treason. To prove this, you are aware that 
treason, in the United States, is the levying of 
war against the United States, or adhering to its 
enemies, giving them aid or comfort. Now comes 
the question : who is an enemy of the United 
States? In answer: it is the man who does, or 
attempts to vitiate the solemn decrees or obliga 
tions of the United States, by a forcible overt ac- 
tion. Now I ask : is not an United States Treas- 
ury note a solemn decree and obligation? Yes it 
is a decree, for each note, on its face, says : the 
Treasury of the United States, will pay the bearer 
one dollar or five, as the case may be. Then you 
see that, he who does, or attempts to depreciate, 
or buys or sells an United States Treasury note 
for less than one dollar, is guilty of a forcible 
overt action against the sovereignty of the United 
States. It is forcible, because no one will take 
less than the face value; unless he is compelled; 
hence, who compels another to take or receives 
such a note for less than face value, is an enemy 
of the United States ; therefore, by the forcible 
overt action is guilty of treason. 



—51— 

No. 56. The necessity of this provision is self- 
evident. It provides against too large a circula- 
tion of money ; also, against withdrawing ;the 
money all at once ; thereby, creating a financial 
crash. All this should be carefully; guarded 
against by human governments, for reasons too 
evident to need further argument. This provis- 
ion, also provides against the perpetuation of a 
National Debt; also, it provides against demand- 
ing a premium of the Government, on its bonds. 

No. 65. This provision gives occasion to a 
subject which is controverted very much. The 
main argument against it is: that God made 
the world for everyone. Now, admitting that He 
did, He never gave any man an exclusive right, 
unless the man earned said right by rightful 
means. The world does not owe any man a living 
unless he earns it. Man, with all his rights, has 
not got the right to be aggressive on the natural 
rights of other men. No man has a moral right 
to take a match which belongs to himself and set 
fire to another's property. No man has a moral 
right to use his property, or force, for the purpose 
of destroying another's property or force, except 
in self defense. Every man is morally bound to 
preserve himself and posterity from all harm. 
Then, fellow beings of America, are we not bound 
to protect ourselves against the invasion of any 
kind of foreign foe which is hostile to our prosper- 
ity? No one can earn a right to kill another, 
though he work a life-time. Now, here you may 
say that we can't earn a right to forbid foreign 
intrusion when the circumstances demand the de- 
cree. You may say that if we forbid the pauper 
labor of foreign countries to land on our shores, or 
come within our border, we by so doing refuse 
to let them earn a subsistence, and thereby kill 
them. But are we duty bound to disregard our 



—52— 

own welfare and open our ports for the dregs of 
all creation? Are we to pay a boon for the vic- 
tims of tyranny, from every nation of this world? 
Are we to suffer for the crimes of other nations, 
and must the penalty be our own destruction? If 
this is the case, it is right for you to suffer for my 
crimes; for you to pay my debts; for you to die, 
that I might live; for you to despair, while I pros- 
per. But, no! thank Heaven, it is not the case! 
It is not right for us to suffer for the crimes of 
foreign natious, by supporting the victims to their 
greed. No! it is enough to endure the anguish 
and pain caused by our own mistakes. 

No. 75. This provision is one of vital import- 
ance, in my estimation, to the future peace of the 
people. By this provision we will secure the di- 
rect will of the people, through a popular vote. 
Now, I shall not occupy space giving you my 
opinions and arguments; but I will give you the 
views of Andrew Jackson on this subject. I now 
have before me a book containing the Presidents 7 
messages, from George Washington to Tyler's in- 
augural address; in which I find the following 
lines in one of Jackson's messages: "I felt it to be 
my duty in the first message which I communi- 
cated to Congress, to urge upon its attention the 
propriety of amending that part of the Constitu- 
tion which provides for the election of the Presi- 
dent and the Vice-President of the United States. 
The leading object which I had in view was the 
adoption of some provision which would secure to 
the people the performance of this high duty, 

WITHOUT ANY INTERMEDIATE AGENCY.' 7 This is 

only one of six similar recommendations which he 
made to Congress. He made the recommenda- 
tion in nearly every message he made lo Con- 
gress; and still Congress failed to act. But to-day 
the idea is becoming prevalent, and it being the 



—53— 

exact letter of justice; hence I make this provis- 
ion. But you may say that Jackson had refer- 
ence only to the mode of electing by the House 
of Representatives, and not to the electoral col- 
lege. However, you will please uotice the words, 
" without any intermediate agency." These 
words mean: the utter exclusion of anything that 
interferes with the direct vote of the people. No 
sane man will otherwise interpret the meaning of 
such invariable words. 

No. 76. This is another provision of equal 
import to No. 75 This provision may seem to 
some as repugnant to the patriotic spirit of 
George Washington; but I now quote the words 
of George Washington, as they appear in liis 
Farewell Address: "The acceptance of, and con- 
tinuance hi cher to in, the office to w T hich your suf- 
frages have twice called me, have been a uniform 
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
to a deference for what appeared to be your de- 
sire. I constantly hoped that it would have been 
much earlier in my power, consistently with mo- 
tives which I was not able to disregard, to return 
to that retirement from which I had been reluc- 
tantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to 
do this, previous to the last election, had even 
led me to the preparation of an address to declare 
it to you; but mature reflection on the then per- 
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with for- 
eign uations, and the unanimous advice of per- 
sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to 
abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your 
concerns, external as well as internal, no longer 
renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible 
with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am 
persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained 
for my services, that, in the present circum- 
stances of our country, you will not disapprove 



—54- 

my determination to retire. " Now, then, you see 
lhat it was not the will of George Washington to 
serve a second term; but, on account of foreign 
affairs, and he being a good general and having 
obtained the confindence of the people, his wise 
friends gained his consent to serve a second term; 
and then, in case of war, he would be command- 
er-in-chief of the army of the United States by 
the virtue of his office. Indeed, it was wisdom at 
that time; but that time has passed, never to re- 
turn, and the necessity having ceased, the law 
should cease. This, none dares dispute. But, the 
idea of changing the Constitution, and rendering 
all men ineligible to the second term, did not 
cease to exist when that old patriot was laid in 
the tomb. No, but that noble, outspoken Jack- 
son recommended in his messages six times simi- 
lar language to the following: "I trust that I 
may be also pardoned for renewing the recom- 
mendation I have so often submitted to your at- 
tention, in regard to the mode of electing the 
President and Vice-President of the United 
States. All the reflection I have been able to be- 
stow upon the subject, increses my conviction 
that the best interests of the country will be pro- 
moted by the adoption of some plan which will 
secure, in all contingencies, that important right 
of sovereignty to the direct control of the peo- 
ple. Could this be attained, and the terms of 
those officers be limited to a single period of 
either four or six \ears, I think our liberties 
would possess an additional safeguard. " This 
was Jackson's motto, from first to last, though he 
was elected to the second term. But Jackson did 
not speak as emphatic as did William H, Harri- 
son, when he spoke in his inaugural address, in 
regard to the subject ; he made use of the follow- 
ing language: "Until an amendment of the Con- 
stitution can be effected, public opinion may se- 



—55— 

cure the desired object. I give my aid to it by 
renewing the pledge heretofore given, that, under 
no circumstances, will I consent to serve a sec- 
ond term." Mr. Harrison gave some strong ar- 
guments in defending his position; and the fol- 
lowing is a short sketch: "And, surely nothing 
is more likely to produce such a state of mind, 
(love of power,) than the long continuance of an 
office of high trust. Nothing can be more cor- 
rupting, nothing more destructive of all those no- 
ble feelings which belong to the character of a 
devoted republican patriot. When this corrupt- 
ing passion, (love of power,) once takes possession 
of the human mind, like the love of gold, it be- 
comes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in 
his bosom, grows with his growth, and strength- 
ens with the decling years of its victim. If this is 
true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to 
limit the service of that officer, at least, to whom 
she has entrusted the management of her foreign 
relations, the executive of her laws, and the com- 
mand of her armies and navies, to a period so 
short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the 
accountable agent, not principal — the servant, 
not the master. " This old lover of liberty failed 
to live and carry out this noble idea; however, 
may his sayings remain immortal. I refrain from 
further adding arguments on this subject, and 
thus presuming on your ignorance. I trust that 
you can understand, without the use of a sledge. 

No. 77. This provision is, also, self-evident 
and argues its own case. However, I refer to the 
argument made on No. 29. Now, I will show how 
much the President will receive at this rate: 
Counting $168 per year for farm hands, it will 
amount to $21,000. This is a sufficient amount, 
and I need not to argue. 



—56- 



THE REASONS WHY I OFFER A NEW 
CONSTITUTION. 



"If you dam up the river of progress, 

At your peril and cost let it be! 
That river must seaward despite you; 

'Twill break down dams and be free! 

"And we heed not the pit-fall barriers, 

That you in its way have downcast. 
For your efforts but add to the torrent, 

Whose flood must overwhelm you at last! 

"For our banner is raised and unfurled; 
At your head our defiance is hurled; 

Our hope is the hope of the ages, 
Our cause is the cause of the world." 
C. Xesbitt. 

I make no apology for offering" this little vol- 
ume to the public, thereby adding one more to 
the multiplicity of reform books. I ask no pardon 
for doing that which I think is a duty I owe to 
my country. The reason why I offer this Consti- 
tution is: That the constitution of a country is 
the fundamental law of a country, and is subject 
to the interpretation of men who are authorized 
to legislate for the people; and all men are subject 
to human nature, anfi human nature is not a safe 
guardian for the liberties of man, when it is sur- 
rounded by the various temptations which tend 
tp excite and satiate that "love for money. " 
Therefore, I wish to prove the necessity of mak- 
ing all Constitution a complete interpretation of 






its owu provisions; so that no man can interpret 
and subvert the principles established by the 
founders of constitutions. 

I do not pretend to think that our forefathers, 
in Constitutional Convention assembled, had any 
other idea than to promote the general welfare, 
and make the provisions of this proposed Consti- 
tution, a shield to the natural rights of mankind, 
and serve to maintain the objects set forth in its 
Preamble, and to debar any infringements on the 
rights of its subjects by any intriguing force 
whatsoever, throughout the perpetuity of this 
proposed Constitution. But were the old patri- 
ots — George Washington, John Adams, Thomas 
Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, Patrick Henry, 
etc. — were they here to view our statute books 
and the present existing condition, which are the 
result of the interpretation of the Constitution of 
the United States, they would perceive, in an ex- 
treme degree of consternation and instantly, their 
sad, very sad mistake, and would immediately 
seek to remedy the existing evils and rectify the 
past, with that undaunted patriotism shown by 
them in contending for the natural rights of the 
"Thirteen Colonies. 77 They would stand up in all 
their manhood, and with their eloquence, wis- 
dom, physical strength, courage, and military 
accomplishments, they would strive to overthrow 
the tyrannical money power of the United 
States, with that degree of independence and de- 
termination which they manifested when they 
declared and fought for their independence, and 
freed themselves from the despotic rule of that 
bold usurper, King George III. 

Now, I wish to remark, that we should not 
think that the Old Constitution is too sacred to 
be changed. It has been changed and enlarged 
and whole sections rendered, by the Supreme 



—58— 

Court as contrary to the Preamble. As regards 
its sacredness, there surely can be nothing more 
sacred to the people of the United States, except- 
ing the Bible, than the Articles of Confederation, 
which were the basic rules of the Thirteen Colo- 
nies while our ancestors gained their freedom 
from the direct power of Great Britain. What is 
more sacred in the sense of government, than lib- 
erty? Nothing, no, nothing! And when a con- 
stitution fails to grant me the rights to which I 
am entitled, then, right then, its sacredness fades 
like real landscape views before the omnipotence 
of the Goddess of Night, to be remembered in fu- 
ture from the fancies of the past, by the good 
they accomplished, and failed to accomplish. 

Are you "conservative, 77 and dare to hesitate 
in changing a code of laws established by the free 
will and wisdom of your venerable, worshipped 
and worthy ancestors? If you are, why are you? 
Suppose our forefathers of 1776 and their posteri- 
ty had have been conservative? Do you rely on 
the present Constitution, because there are a few 
in Congress to interpret according to the spirit of 
our forefathers? If you do, why do you? Sup- 
pose our forefathers and their posetrity had have 
relied on the Constitution of England, because 
William Pitt and a few friends remained in Par- 
liament. What would have been their fate and 
our destiny? Would we have been free and inde- 
pendent people, with a government of our own? 
No, Sir, never; we would have been, be, and con- 
tinue to be subjects to the crown of Eugland, re- 
gardless of any acts of despotism enacted or that 
would be enacted! 

Will you dare to point to the actions of the old 
patriots, who are dead and gone, and with a snear 
cfy "treason?" Will you dare attempt to attaint 
thair worthy and unsullied characters? Will you? 



—59— 

Dare you? I demand an answer — No, no! I 
dare say you won't; but if you rely on a few 
friends in Congress, and defend conservatism, 
you do it, yes, yes! T aver, and your actions 
prove the ignoble action. If you are guilty, "re- 
pent in sackcloth and ashes," and serve your 
manhood, and not the vices that have doomed 
many a lover of liberty to a life of slavery to 
the assumed lords of creation. 

The proposition which* I have conceived and 
intend to maintain, is: That a deficiency in the 
present Constitution is the cause of the unjust 
laics, which are written on our statute books and 
obligatory upon the people of the United States. 
Why? Just from the simple fact that the Consti- 
tution has given the legislators of the past and 
present the power to say what was the intention 
of its founders. Had the present Constitution 
have specified how it should be interpreted, and 
stated with that determination and patriotism 
which its fouuders possessed, it would have 
thwarted all attempts of cupidity — that dagger 
which has let the life's blood flow from blind 
justice more than once. But now you may ask, 
why it was not framed in this manner. Well, 
you are aware of the fact that such a system of 
government was a new thing to the history of the 
world, and they did not know what demands 
would devolve upon such a government. They 
were warned from every part of the world that 
such a government would not stand. It was 
fought by some of its intended constituents. It 
was fought by all the enemies of liberty, and 
by some of the ardent lovers of liberty. In fact, 
it was a little boat at sea, without a compass; but 
it was piloted by that indomitable spirit of jus- 
tice at all hazards. 

It has held the confidence of its subjects 
through nearly all the dangers incident to gov- 



—60— 

ernruent. It has gone through foreign invasion, 
insurrection, civil war, adversity and prosperity, 
until to-day it stands at the head of all govern- 
ments, with a population of over 65,000,000 of sub- 
jects, instead of 3,000,000, with more wealth than 
any nation of the globe. 

The founders of our present Constitution did 
not know the demands upon such a government, 
during periods of peace, war, adversity and pros* 
perity; but the sad experience of the past has 
demonstrated what we should do, and demands 
that we should profit by the result of experience. 
Will you do it? or will you stand in your own 
light, be a stumbling block in the way of those 
who would, and doom yourselves, your posterity 
and your country to the fate that has befallen so 
many unfortunate nations? Again, will you dare 
to ignore the sixth or last object of the Preamble 
of your Constitution? Furthermore, will you will- 
fully disregard the fifth article of the old Consti- 
tution? No, no! I trust that you will not. It 
would be enough to make the most hardened 
criminal blush to confess such a determination. 

The illustrious framers of the old Constitution, 
with that foresight incident to wise and patriotic 
men, made a provision, rendering that immortal 
document capable of being changed, and, there- 
by, admitting that it was not perfect; therefore, 
it is not our bounden duty to ourselves, with 
reverence for their service and wisdom, to main- 
tain and perpetuate, unaltered, the provisions 
contained therein. But it is our duty, according 
to their declared wish, to alter and change to suit 
our necessities, in serving the Goddess of Liberty, 
at whose shrine they bowed in humble adoration. 

I know that some will cry, sacrilege, and say 
that there is no need for a New Constitution. But 
assertions in a heat of passion, through indigna- 
tion, prove nothing. And many men have died, 



—el- 
and never knew what killed them; many skillful 
physicians have lost their patients, because they 
treated for the wrong disease; many men have 
lost their fortunes through their own conceit; 
many nations have gone down for lack of proper 
actions. Such is the nature of man. And, alas! 
should I receive any condemnation, I will find 
consolation in this self-evident fact. 

This is a progressive world. Will you stop * 
and be trampled underfoot? The manufacturers 
have thrown aside the plans of our ancestors. 
The farmers have laid down the spade and wood- 
en plows, which George Washington used. 
In fact the whole industrial system has been 
changed. Why did not they remain "conserva- 
tive"? O vain world! Why did you depart from 
the "ways and means" that our beloved forefath- 
ers adopted, why, O why? You all know why. 
You know that they were compelled to, so, as to 
comnete with the Genius of the World. 

I do not think, that this proposed Constitu- 
tion will be adopted. I only hope to cause investi- 
gation of our Constitution; and thereby cause my 
people to educate themselves in regard to the fun- 
damental principles which should be embodied in 
our Constitution. Then my mission will be accom- 
plished. And should the present Constitution 
remain unchanged, I trust that the iniquitous 
past will pe rectified. 






THE SOPHISTRY OF THE MONEY 
POWER. 



Sophist, is a word applied to Greece's seven sages; 
Meaning, a wise and clever man for ages, 
Until the time of Socrates, Plato, and Xeuophon, 
Who, with true philosophy, refuted the deception. 
Sophistry, today is applauded as true wisdom; 
Who will be the men to bind in shackles, this demon ; 
Who will bid defiance to all deceit; 
And fight it with the might of right, destroy in retreat? 

Now kind reader I will undertake to refute 
some of the prevailing* deception of modern times 
in a brief manner, with emphasis. I will take for 
rny criterion, the rule of justice between man and 
man, subject and crown. Sophistry meant, in 
ancient', times, the same that the word wisdom 
now means. Sophistry, according to Webster, 
means: "reasoning in a fallacious, but plausible 
manner. 77 And in the sense which I use the word; 
I mean: the deceit that is practiced by politicians. 
In which they offer, In a plausible manner, some 
plan of government, claimig that it is justice be 
tween subject and crown; and in reality it is : a 
vt'rry large "campaign lie, 77 designed to deceive, 
elect, and enslave. Sophists, mean the men who 
use sophistry; and the men who use sophistry, are 
men who are so unpatriotic that they sink their 
own government; men who are ambitious and un- 
just; men who know better, but want to be count- 
ed in the ranks of the dominant and popular par- 
ty; men who prefer momentary pleasure to a 



—63— 

perpetual bliss; meu who love their pet party 
better than they love their wives, children, and 
best girls, regardless oi' right. These are the 
men that are a bane to the progress of civilization. 
Are you one of these kind of men; do any of 
these shoes fit you? It so, put it on, and prepare 
to hear your own just condemnation : "Therefore 
to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, 
to him it is sin " James, 4.* 17. Do you defend 
any of the following deceptive propositions : First. 
"Conservative reform." Second. u The United 
States had too much much money in 1866. " Third. 
4< We have the best banking system the world ev- 
er knew." Fourth. "That tariff reform is all 
that the farmer needs." Fifth. "That more pro- 
tective tariff is all that the farmer needs. "Sixth. 
"That the lack of household and farm economy 
and industry is all that is wrong with the people." 
Seventh. "That trusts and combines are all 
that are injurious to the farmers." Eighth. 
"That the money lords have a moral right to use 
their money as they please." Ninth. "That our 
present condition is hot the result of class legisla- 
tion." Here I might enumerate about 300, which 
I now have before me, in the first annual report of 
the Commissioner of Labor of 1886, but I will not. 

He who is conservative, 

Of right, takes the negative; 

He who his country would serve. 

Would conform to right, and never swerve; 

And the principle of right is the same, 

Though parties change their name. 

I now begin to give you my views of the fore- 
going propositions in their order, according to 
number. 

First. "Conservative Reform" is a very com- 
mon expression by both speakers and writers of 



—64- 

either the Democratic or Republican party. It is 
an admission that there is something wrong; but 
insists that we continue to remain wrong. It 
means, be quiet, let my party, (either or both of 
the Republican and Democratic parties,) reform 
the present existing evils. Ir means about as ab- 
surd an expression as "Let the Devil reform the 
wickedness of the world.' 7 It means let the Dev- 
ils "reform, 77 but make the "form" a worse form 
than the first; and let the "re" push the people 
into the Pacific Ocean. It means "Let the parties 
which are led by the aristocracy of this land, con- 
tinue to rob the lower millions by ' class legisla- 
tion. 7 77 

It means all this and more — Why does it? 
you may ask. This is why: First, "conserva- 
tion, 77 according to Webster, means, to maintain 
existing institutions; and "reform 77 means to 
change; especially from a bad to a good state. 
Hence you see that each word destroys the force 
of the other; and it is a meaningless expression. 
Therefore it is intended to deceive by making a 
pretense to mean something and meaning noth- 
ing. 

Then, all deceit has an object. What is its 
object in this instance? You know that decep- 
tion means nothing that is good, but invariably 
means something bad; because, to deceive, you 
are compelled to lie, and to lie is sin. 

All through modern aud dark ages, 

It has been the cry of sages: 

Ye lords, whom the people have sent 

To legislative halls, while you represent, 

Give us a good monej-, with volume steady, 

Or for your dying hour make ready 

By repenting in "sackcloth and ashes," 

For the misery 3-ou caused in business crashes. 



—65— 

Second. u That the United State3 had too 
much money in 1866. " This is the cry of the 
"poll parrots" trying to imitate that arch villain, 
Hugh McCulloch, who carried out and approved 
of the hellish scheme of contracting thecurrency. 
It means: "Don't let the lower millions conceive 
the truth, that the contraction of the currency is 
one great cause of our national woe." It means 
to put a break on the prevalent and correct idea 
that we need more money. It means to insinuate 
that if we were given any more money, it would 
become worthless. It means to compel the peo- 
ple to writhe in their agonies, from the extraction 
of the life's blood of commerce, while the bankers 
and bondholders, vampires of human govern- 
ment, revel in their glory. 

It means all this and more. Again you may 
ask, Why? And in reply, I ask you to look on 
the pages of history; and on the reports of statis- 
ticansfthen you will know the reason, for there 
you will see that despite the destructive and 
withering influence of the war, that commerce 
took more rapid strides in progrsss than hitherto 
to that time; that all industry assumed the cloak 
of prosperity; and retained said cloak until the 
accursed scheme of "contraction" was perfected, 
then industry's appearance was false, though 
lightly veiled. Then comes the crash of 1873; 
then the piteous wails of the victims of the con- 
traction policy; then the drunken feast of the 
hydra headed money power. 

This was the condition, and the brazen au- 
dacity of none dare dispute, for it is conceded by 
the world. Was it right, then, to cause all this 
misery, without even a shadow of a plausible 
reason? No! No! It was not right; but it was 
right wrong; for the people did not have too 
much money. Yet they paid the forfeit ot thier 



-66— 

own folly by bankrupting all honest industry, 
and still they suffer the evils thereof. 

The banker preys on friends and foes, 
Gets interest (usury) upon what he owes, 
And loves the people, like lovers of old, 
Who loved the people for their gold. 

Third. "That we have the best banking sys- 
tem the world ever knew. 7 ' 

This is a cry uttered by the aristocracy of 
this land, and by those who waut to be in vogue 
with the upper crust, and by those who don't 
know any better and do not want to know any 
better. It means to continue with the National 
banking system. It means, "Give the circulating 
medium, the life's blood of commerce, into the 
hands of a few men; so that they can control the 
prices of the farmers 7 products. 77 It means, "Give 
the sharks of humanity a chance at the liberties 
of man, that they may utterly banish freedom 
from America. 77 It means "wage slavery 77 in- 
stead of "chattel slavery, 77 by controlling the 
price of labor. It means, "a government of the 
few, by the few and for the few.' 7 It means "an 
ultimate serfdom, and corn crusts and water for 
the honest labor. 77 

It means all this, and more — You may ask, 
Why? And the truth is self-evident. All reason 
sustains the fact, that if the people need money 
to carry on the commerce of a country, it is the 
duty of the legislative and executive, powers to 
give the people what they need; and, is positively 
their duty to have control of all money; and not 
delegate the most important power to any indi- 
vidual or corporation. Hence, the "banking sys- 
tem' 7 is a humbug; for it gives to a few men (or 
shylocks) the power which all the people should 
have. Therefore, it should be rendered null and 



—67 



and void by statute law— that power which en- 
forced it upon a people. 

"Tariff Reform" is a campaign song, 
And bids the people come along, 
And vote the old parties for relief, 
Because, thief-like, they cry "stop thief," 
And the masses join the "hue and cry:'' 
Vote 'er straight, without a "reason why,'' 

Fourth. "The Tariff Beform is all that the 
farmer needs." 

This is an expression of both the "old par- 
ties;" so expressed by the House bill and Senate 
bill in the 50th Congress. Also, it is an expres- 
sion of people who are so narrow contracted that 
they cannot entertain but one idea, don't under- 
stand that and don't believe anyone else does, 
because they can't explain its virtues. It means 
that there is something wrong, and for you to 
vote for the men who "willfully persist in doing 
the same wrong, it means the pure, double-dis- 
tilled essence of deceit. It means a bitter pill, 
but the directions say "take her." God only 
knows what else it does mean, I don't. I might 
enumerate a hundred definitions, and still its com- 
plete definition would be greatly abridged. But, 
considering all it does mean, I hope you don't 
mean to say that a reduction of five per cent, of 
the tariff is the remedy for the abnormal state of 
the country. 

Here the demand for space forbids my discus- 
sion of the subject; for to do it justice and myself, 
it itself would require a volume as large as all 
this. 

"Protection" is the song of a siren. 
That dwells among ruling men; 
The notes are so sweet men go in ecstacy; 
Though philosophy refutes the fallacy. 



-68— 

But nations are ruined with its iron heel: 
And, alas! though too late, are made to feel 
The power of its centralization, 
Of the wealth of a once free nation. 

Fifth. "That more protective tariff is all the 
farmer needs. 

This euphonious word is adopted by the mon- 
ey power to deceive the liberty-loving people; 
and the little u poll parrot' ' of an office seeker in 
his eloquence takes advantage of the word's sweet 
sound, attempts to show its superiority over ev- 
erything else; he delves in to its complicated parts, 
using technical words and phrases; skipping here 
and there, until he gets in about two hours' time, 
then he in stentorious tones yells, Three cheers 
for "High Protection!" and as all men want pro- 
tection against evils, they all join in the "cho- 
rus/' in the headlong rush to ruin. "High pro- 
tection' 7 and "Tariff reform" have been the cry of 
people for ages. The people have been arrayed 
with capitalists, obstinate stupidity, conceited 
ignorance, honest innocence, tricksters, politi- 
cians, pretended statesmen, and part of the cler- 
gy on one side, with the same classes on the op- 
posing side, while the money power has been 
constantly, through day and night, sapping lib- 
erty's life blood from its almost exhausted veins. 
Here I stop, to deal with this subject in the future. 

Economy, Economy! in the house and field, 
And the profits, to the Money Power, yield; 
This has been the cry and practice until 
Billions of wealth move at Money Power's will. 
Economy is a remedy for waste and indoleuce: 
But not against conspiracy and Providence. 

Sixth. "That the lack of household and farm 
economy and industry is all that is wrong with 
the people." 



. —69- 

This is the expression used by many men. To 
be sure, it is to some extent true; but is not, by 
any means, all. However, it is used by men who 
are enjoying some position, that is, supported by 
"class legislation." It is, also, used by men who 
are almost as poor as Job's turkey. These delud- 
ed fellows illustrate, by the opportunities which 
have been afforded to them, and they failed to 
take advantage of their chances. But, a man who 
is poor and wants riches, and knows what is the 
matter with him, knows better than to say that 
the lack of economy and industry is all that is 
injuring the people. The man who does say this 
says: Everybody go to work, make more. And 
the result would be to take less for what you 
made. How much better off is a man, when he 
raises twice as much as he ever did, and then 
takes half the price he got before? He is worse 
off, for he has gone to twice the expense, and re- 
alized no more motiey, but has come out in debt. 

Some fellow will say that if one man, or a 
thousand, goes to work and raises twice as much, 
that the extra production will not affect the pric- 
es; and I grant that it will not, but that is not the 
plan; for before you can give relief, every one 
must doubly exert himself, according to the rem- 
edy. And the natural consequence would be to 
reduce the price about half, under the present 
ruling powers. 

I now leave this question with you, trusting 
and requesting that you investigate and see if 
there is not something more than the lack of 
ecouomy and industry. 

"Trusts and combines," a result of human nature, 

Should be dealt with, as other vices, by legislature; 

Though not give them power, as heretofore, 

To exist, exact, robbing more andxmore; 

But, put a veto on their existence 

And make the robbers earn a subsistence. 



—70— 

Seventh. "That trusts and combines are all 
that are injurious to the farmer. " 

This is another expression that is very com-, 
mon. It is used by people that ''strain at a gnat 
and swallow a camel. " It is absolutely absurd, 
from the simple reason that they are the result of 
permission, granted to them by our legislators; 
and such legislators are selected by the people. 
Then, whom will you abuse? Will you curse 
trusts and combines, when you yourselves are to 
blame? Such a man would attempt to punish a 
man's gun because he committed a crime with 
said gun. 

The hydra-headed Money Power, 
Seeking whoni it may devour, 
Has got a mortgage on the people, 
The Church, and the church steeple. 
It is worshiped by its victims, 
And praised in sacred hymns; 
It is spoken of in profound reverence 
By people who have'nt any sense? 

Eight, ''That the 'money lords' have a mor- 
al right to use their money as they please." 

This is an expression frequently used by peo- 
ple of some intelligence, but is not substantiated 
b^v common sense. It never is used by any one 
who has any idea of moral philosophy, except 
through deception. To grant these despotic 
princes the privilege of doing as they please, sur- 
renders to them all the liberties guaranteed to us 
by the Preamble of our Constitution; makes the 
declaration of our forefathers a lie on its face, 
wherein they declared, "that all men are created 
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights; that among these 
-are life/liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 

Now, is life granted to the people, when their 
means of subsistence are usurped by these as- 



—71— 

sumed lords of creation? Are your liberties grant- 
ed unto you, when you are subjected to a code of 
unjust laws? Is it pursuit of happiness when 
that you are compelled to earn three times more 
than goes to your share? No, Sir; certainly it is 
not. 

Furthermore, no man has a right to do an in- 
justice to another man; and it makes no difference 
whether he acts under legal or physical powers, 
he has no such right, never did, nor never will 
under the dispensation of a just God. 

The natural result of class legislation 

Is to ruin a nation by centralization. 

All governments have adopted the plan; 

The result has enslaved every honest man; 

For slavery is more than owning a man, as a mule, 

It is submitting to an unjust and despotic rule. 

Ninth. "The present is not the result of 
'class legislation. 7 ?7 

This is an assertion made by men who don't 
understand the legislation of the past thirty 
years, and by men who don't want to understand; 
and by men who understand, but do not want 
any one else to know. These are the men who 
hug their chains, worship tyrants, love their ene- 
mies more than they love their God. Yes, these 
are of the kind of men who have enslaved all na- 
tions, and are to-day fast enslaving the people of 
the United States. 

Are you one of these three classes? If you 
are, in the name of the God of Heaven, justice, 
and liberty to yourselves and all posterity, seek 
to understand, then endeavor to convice your 
fellow man; until the might of the ballot sends 
men enough to Congress, who will abrogate and 
rectify the unjust laws of the past, before the peo- 
ple rise in their might, and the historian writes 



—72— 

upon his pages the horrors of a u bloody revolu- 
tion," the death of noble heros, martyrs to the 
Goddess of Liberty; the sufferings of the wives 
and children, while the husband, father and 
brother are on the deadly battlefield, there fight- 
ing for their "liberties," which were usurped by 
the legislation of the past. 

This has been the history of the world: that 
when governments become too despotic, some 
brave leader comes to the front, followed by pow- 
er enough to right the wrongs to some degree, 
through the instrumentality of an avenging rev- 
olution. 

In the language of Patrick Henry: "Let me 
know the worst, that I may abide by it." 



-73- 



THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE 

HONEST LABORERS OF THE 

WORLD. 



Go, will you, into the depth of the archives of 
the past. View all history, both sacred and pro- 
fane. See there written plain, the law of human 
nature. Then I beseech you to profit by the 
scene which you there behold. 

You will there see that a few designing men 
have conspired against the honest laborer, since 
the dawn of civilization. You will see the fac^t 
demonstrated in the rise and fall of the Egyptian 
government. I have now before me a prospectus 
of the history of the world; in which the artist 
paints the picture of a scene in Ancient Egypt, 
which I will now attempt to describe, though 
language fails to do the picture justice. Howev- 
er, I see a large wagon, about 40 feet long, about 
10 feet wide, on its 12 massive wheels, bearing a 
burden of a very large platform, and upon that 
platform is a huge idol, representing!a large, fero- 
cious animal, about 20 feet in length and other- 
wise heavily proportioned. But that is not all I 
see: I see upon the front of that weighty struc- 
ture several strong cords are attached, and doz- 
ens of strong men are ahold of the cords, leaning 
forward as though with all their strength to 
please the whims of Pharaoah's tyrannical fancy. 
Is that all? Ko. I see upon top of that platform 
a vicious-looking steward, while in his Satanic 
Majesty's hand he holds a whip about ten feet 
in length, nor is ii hanging pendant by his side, 
but I see him learn ng forward and plying the 
lash to some unfortunate victim, who is probably 
about fagged out, while a slave stands behind 



—74- 

the steward and holds an umbrella over him to 
prevent the sun from tanning his skin that holds 
his hellish heart. I see another steward riding 
on horse with a whip of similar kind, using it 
with the assiduity and satanic disposition of the 
former. And now I see the result of a seeming 
fatal blow; I see a manly form stretched writhing 
on the ground, bleeding from probably a mortal 
w T ound, while the surgeons stand around trying 
to restore him able to perform some more drudg- 
ery. Here I might relate the condition of honest 
labor, as recorded in the history of those times; 
but I won't occupy the space. I leave you to im- 
agine, and, though you conceive it in the most 
heinous form, you surely cannot exaggerate. 

1 Then what else will you behold in the scene? 
As you turn through the pages of history over: 
Chaldea, Assyria, Media, Babylonia, Persia, 
Greece, Macedonia, Rome; there you will see the 
same iniquitous, antique tyranny of Old Egypt, 
in a modified form. 

But does the grand panoramic view cease to 
show the same disposition of man at this period? 
No, Sir! But civilization has put a quietus on 
the brutal mode of the carnal demons. And now 
the "cunning few 77 have devised a different plan, 
in which they control the slaves (honest laborers) 
and make them believe that they are the renown- 
ed and boasted freemen of the world; while they 
continue to serve their masters from sunup till 
sundown, scarcely making enough to feed, clothe 
and care for themselves through the sickness and 
misfortunes that are incident to the human fami- 
ly. This plan of the "cunning few 77 is as follows: 
First, they got control of the traitorous eloquence 
and the press of the land, and through this me- 
dium they moulded the public opinion, then se- 
cured the nomination of all the men that they 
could control; then the people walked up to the 



—75— 

polls, and with their elective franchise, turned 
the key that locked the bands of slavery upon 
them. Of course there are some that will deny 
the existence of a conspiracy against them. How- 
ever, the history of the world goes to prove what 
I have stated to be true; the present surrounding 
circumstances, corroborate the testimony; and he 
who dares to dispute this, refutes his own argu- 
ment (or sophistry,) and refuses to free himself 
when the power is at his command. 

Again, 3ome skeptic will say that I don't 
know what I am talking about; that I never lived 
in those days; that I never participated in such a 
conspiracy;* that I am only 23 years of age; that I 
don't know very much about anything, and for 
these reasons refuse to believe what I say. Very 
well; I don't want you to believe me, unless you 
wish to, and even if you want to believe me, I 
don't want you to take my word for what I have 
said; but go and get you a history of the world 
and read that; then go to some lawyer and get 
the Revised Statutes of the United States, and 
read the laws which I shall call to your attention, 
on another page. 

Again, if I never have engaged in a conspira- 
cy against the honest laborers of the United 
States, I must confess that I myself, with mill- 
ions of honest laborers, have participated in a con- 
spiracy against the "cunning few." I know, and 
so do you, that it is natural for man to want his 
rights; and that it is natural for some men to 
want more than what is duly theirs. Therefore, 
any one who has good judgment of human nature 
cannot conscientiously deny the existence of a 
conspiracy against the honest labor of the world. 
Hence, what is your duty? Will you stand still? 
You who are rich in this world's goods, and jeop- 
ardize your children in their life-time; you who 
are bound in the " thraldom" of "wage slavery," 



—76— 

are you "so good" that wheD you read in the Bi- 
ble of Christ's Sermon on the Mount, wherein he 
says, "Resist not evil," then you succumb to your 
fate, regardless of how cruel it may be, and fall 
down upon your knees and offer your petition to 
God, praying Him to give you your daily bread; 
then get up from that humble attitude, go to 
work and earn enough in one day to keep you a 
week, then gratuitously bestow it on some prince 
of the money power? Where, in the name of 
God, is your Scripture against going into politics, 
when it is by politics you are "legally" robbed? 
Christ went into the Temple of Jerusalem, and 
with a scourge of small cords he drove the money 
changers out of the Temple. — St. John 11: 15. Do 
you know the maxim of Benjamin Franklin? — 
"God helps those who help themselves." 

Who are you? what are you? are you a sane 
man? or, have you got a guardian to dictate what 
you are to do or say? 



THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE 

HONEST LABOEEBS OF THE 

UNITED STATES. 



Once we were a people independent; 

Now the 4, in" is left off, and we are dependent: 

Xot dependent on ourselves, as of old 

But dependent on w king gold.'' 

We have not bid this lord, defiance, 

Nor even acted with enough self-reliance. 

We have, on congressmen relied, 

And sent them back, because they "lied." 

Not for any good that they had done, 

But to rob honest labor without knife or gun; 

Until the people of this nation 

Are under the power of class legislation. 

In this little volume, I will be as brief as pos- 
sible. The first thing I call to your attention is, 
the attempt of the aioney power of Great Britain 
to keep our forefathers in submission to the Par- 
liament of King George III. You are all aware 
of the failure. Second, after they had establish- 
ed their freedom, and their independenc was rec- 
ognized by the great civilized nations of the 
World; that this same money power, foresaw the 
result of freedom of the press, speech, and con- 
science. Hence, again in 1812, they tried to con- 
quer the spirit or liberty; but only added fuel to 
the unquenchable flames of independence, that 
then raged with dominance. Then the tyrants 
conceived the idea, that what they had failed to 
accomplish by force, they could accomplish with 
stealth. So the first thing in order to carry out 
this hellish design, was to send their agents to 
our shores, with their money, and shrewd intelli- 
gence combined with our own traitors, obtain a 



-78- 



majority in our Congress, and then legislate the 
liberties from the honest laborers of the United 
States. Second. So as to add speed to their shy- 
lock game, they resorted to the old plan of crea- 
ting "mutiny in camp/ 7 and by this plan have 
the old patriots come to the front, to be shot down 
by their fellow- men, and then play sad havoc 
with everything; and then by the mode of their 
barbarian ancestors, fasten a "great debt" on the 
people, then to legally steal the profits of those 
who survived the deadly battle-field. I declare 
that the foregoing plan has been successfully car- 
ried out ; and it does not make any difference, 
whether, or not, they met in their heavily cur- 
tained parlors, and preconcerted this plan, the 
present existing statute laws positively prove 
that the plan was carried out, and you cannot dis- 
pute it, if you know the law. 

How was the plan carried out? On the follow- 
ing pages, I will briefly show how. 

After capturing a sufficient number of legis- 
lators to put a dead-lock on legislation, and in the 
meantime created a deadly and revenging enmity 
between the Northern and Southern States on the 
question of negro slavery, until half past four 
o'clock, Friday morning 7 April 12, 1861, when the 
first gun was fired by the Southern Confederacy 
on Fort Sumpter. Then began the preparation of 
a "Belshazzar feast ; and until yet, no Cyrus has 
appeared, but the "hand writing 77 is on the wall. 

The "Civil War 77 was declared; and to carry 
on a w T ar a government must have money, and 
there beiug but a very small sum of money in the 
Treasury, there must be some way of getting 
money. * And then comes the act of July 17, 1861, 
which read as follows: 

"That the Secretary is authorized, whenever 
he shall deem it expedient, to issue, in exchange 
for coin or in payment of public dues, treasury 



—79- 

notes of any of the denominations hereinbefore 
specified, bearing interest not exceeding 6 per 
cent, per annum, and payable at any time not ex- 
ceeding twelve months from date; that the 
amount of notes so issued shall at no time exceed 
$20,000,000." 

The amount issued under this act being $50,- 
000,000. This amount was paid out and still the 
war went on. More money was needed; hence 
the act of Feb. 12, 18(2, which read as follows: 

"That the Secretary of the Treasury, in addi- 
tion to the $50,000,000 of notes payable on demand, 
of denominations not less than $5, authorized by 
the act of July i7, 1861, is authorized to issue like 
notes to the amount of $10,000,000." 

These notes, $60,000,000, were made a full "le- 
gal tender" for all debts with no exception; and 
for that reason stood at par with gold and J per 
cent, above gold on account of their convenience. 
And still the war raged, ever adding in its fury 
every day, threatening to continue for some time. 
Hence, the government needed more money with 
which to prosecute the war. Therefore, then 
comes the act of Feb. 25, 1862, which was as tol- 
lows: 

"That the Secretary of the Treasury is here- 
by authorized to issue, on the credit of the United 
States, one hundred and fifty millions of dollars of 
United States notes, not bearing interest, payable 
to bearer at the Treasury of the United States, 
and of such denominations as he may deem expe- 
dient not less than five dollars each; provided, 
that fifty millions of said notes shall be in lieu of 
the demand treasury notes authorized to be is- 
sued by the act of July 17, 1861, which said de- 
mand notes shall be taken up as rapidly as pos- 
sible and the notes herein provided for substi- 
tuted for them; and provided further, that the 
amount of the two kinds of notes together shall 



—80— 

at no time exceed the sum of one hundred and 
fifty millions of dollars, and such notes herein 
authorized shall be receivable in payment of tax- 
es, internal duties, excises, debts and demands of 
every kind due to the United States, 'except du- 
ties on imports, 7 and of all claims and demands 
against the United States of every kind whatev- 
er, 'except for interest upon bonds and notes/ 
which shall be paid in coin, and shall also be a 
lawful money and a full legal tender in payment 
of all debts, public and private, within the Unit- 
ed States, 'except duties on imports and interest 
as aforesaid. 7 " 

This act also contained the following section, 
which now stands on the Revised Statutes of the 
United States: 

"Sec. 3009. All duties upon imports shall be 
collected in ready money, and shall be paid in 
coin or in U. S. notes, payable on demand, au- 
thorized to be issued prior to Feb. 25th, 1862, and 
be receivable in payment of public dues. 

Act of Feb. 25th, 1862." 

Also, the act of July 17, 1861, provided for the 
issuing of $200,000,000 of bonds; and the act of 
Feb. 12, 1862, provided for the issue of $500,000,- 
000 of bonds. 

Now, why was this exception clause placed 
on these United States notes, commonly called 
"greenbacks?" To give a detailed answer, it 
would take more space than I can afford to occu- 
py; but I refer you to writers who have made the 
subject a specialty. However, I will briefly make 
a few propositions, with only enough argument 
to show you the "design" of the "money power." 

In answer to the question, my first proposi- 
tion is, that, if the exception clause had have 
been left off* of these notes, they would have been 
worth as much as gold. You may dispute this. 
However, I will prove it by the "demand notes," 



—81- 

iiich did not have the exception clause,) stand- 
ing £ per cent, above gold all through the war, 
even in the darkest hours of peril. And the na- 
tural result of the exception clause was to create 
a demand for gold, with which to pay the duties 
on imports and interest (usury) on the public 
debt (fraud). This gave the holders of gold and 
silver the privilege of demanding two dollars in 
greenbacks for one in coin; and "there was not to 
reply; there was but to do or die. 77 The people 
had to have the coin, on account of the exception 
clause, (an interpretation of the Constitution); 
and the bond-holders and bankers, (shylocks,) 
had most of the coin; and the government, by the 
exception clause, was gleaning the country for 
coin to pay the duties on imports, then giving it 
to the bondholders as interest (usury) on their 
bonds. 

In the meantime these bond-holders were 
howling "that the government was about to fall;" 
until in July, 1864, one dollar in gold was worth 
$2.85 in greenbacks. Notwithstanding that at 
this date the Union army was the victor of the 
field ; for according to the history of the war the 
Union army had cut off the supply of the South- 
ern Confederacy, and had drove them to the wall; 
had starved the South almost to death; and the 
North had two men to the South's one; further- 
more, the Union army was winning almost every 
battle.and yet a green back, (a note against the gov- 
ernment, secured by over $15,000,000,000 of wealth,) 
at this date was only worth .35 5-57 in gold. 
Hence, the bondholders got $2,844,649,626.69, of 
United States bonds for about fifty cents on the 
dollar, making a profit of $1,422,324,313.34, plus 
: .772,891.07, of profit by getting their interest 
(usury) in gold; making a grand total of $1,519,- 
097,204.41; which was legislated into the coffers of 
the vampire bondholders, at the expense of hon- 



est labor, in the short space of five years — enough 
money to make 1,519 millionaires. And yet this 
legislative steal is a small one compared with 
others, and it is abridged. 

You may ask, What was a greater legislative 
steal than this? And I will only briefly answer 
the question: 

The adoption of th9 interest-bearing bond 
system was the grandest scheme that the money 
power ever interpolated in the United States 
Statutes. 

However, some of you may think that this 
was a matter of necessity; but suppose we inves- 
tigate and see whether it was or not. According 
to the Constitution, Congress had the right to 
coin money; and since the war the Supreme Court 
has decided that Congress had and has the right 
to issue paper money in time of war, and in time 
of peace. And then the condition was such that 
the people needed money. Hence, it was the du- 
ty of Congress to issue a sufficient amount of 
money, based on the wealth of the people, and 
give it to the people in payment of their service 
rendered to the government. Then what the 
government bought with said money, should 
nave been used to sustain the government. And 
the money should have belonged to the people, 
for they had dearly paid for the money by their 
service, and thousands had sacrificed their lives 
for their country, while the bankers and bond- 
holders assembled in their guild halls, far, far 
from danger; there bleeding the patriotism of 
their country, both physically and financially. 
Then they were titled by many as the "friends of 
their country"; but, to-day, by honest intelli- 
gence and wisdom, they are recognized in the 
"rogues' gallery" as the fiends of mankind, a 
worse bane to civilization than Jesse James and 
his notorious baud. 



—S3— 



This may shock the solemnity and moral rec- 
titude of some; nevertheless the facts in the case 
I now submit to prove: 

First: while Jesse James only robbed the 
"people," (railroads and banks,) of their thous- 
ands by the force of the revolver; the bankers and 
bondholders robbed honest labor of billions 
through legislation. Now you may ask how they 
got these "billions" by legislation. The answer 
is simple and plain to an unprejudiced mind, and 
is as follows: first, the people paid for all money 
that they received. Second, bonds were issued 
for every dollar that was issued, said bonds bear- 
ing interest, paid semi-annually in gold. Third, 
the gold and silver sharks, through the appreci- 
ation of coin, caused by the "exception claust?," 
bought these bonds for half price, and retired 
and destroyed the people's money, created a great 
debt (fraud), left the people with a small amount 
of money to pay a large interest-debt (fraud); and 
to-day, in the past, are now and have been pay- 
ing a debt (fraud), that was "paid once" on the 
battlefield, and in support of the government. 

To prove that this steal amounts to "bill- 
ions," I present to you the following table, taken 
from the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury: 

Net Ordinary Re- 
ceipts of the" U. S. Xet Ordinary Ex 
during the periods of penditures. Interest Interest. 

1S61 and 1862. not Included. 



S 41,276,299.49 

51,919,261.09 

112,094,945.51 

243,412,971.20 

322,031,158.19 



1$ 62,616,055.78 

456,379,896.81 

694,004,575.56 

811,283,679.14 

1,217,704,199.28 



§ 4,034,157.30 
13,190,344.84 
24,729,700.62 
53,685,421.69 
77,395,090.30 



$770,934,(34.48 $3,241,988,406.57 



§173,034,714.75 



—84— 

Interest, - $173,034,714.75 

Total Ex- 

penditures, $3,415,023,121.32. 
Receipts. - 770,934,635.48 



$2,645,088,485.84 

This table shows a debt of $2,645,88,485.84, but 
don 7 t include all expenditures. The report of the 
Secretary of the Treasury shows that the total 
principal was on August 31, 1865, $2,844,649,626.56. 

This report also shows that there was curren- 
cy issued in all kinds to the amount of $1,996,000,- 
000. This report furthermore shows a statement 
of the Secretary, stating that for every $100,000,- 
000 paid out of the Treasury, there was $25,000,- 
000 paid out for discount — high price demanded 
on account of the high price for gold, said high 
price, the result of the "exception clause,' 7 an in- 
terpretation of the Constitution. 

Therefore, the following table will show the 
cost of the adoption of the interest-bearing bond 
system, and the "exception clause: 7 ' 

Total bonded debt, 1865 - —$2,844,649,626.56 
Interest, already paid. - - — 2,410,000,000.00 
Interest, yet to be paid, - — 550,000.000.00 
Money ia 7 d more than nec 7 sary— 505,000,000.00 



Total steal, - - —$6,309,649,626.56 

You will please excuse my saying "total, 7 ' for 
I have not given the amount in compound inter- 
est, which thej have had the privilege of getting; 
neither have I given the amount of difference be- 
tween one per cent, and ten per cent, on an aver- 
age of $300,000,000 for 25 years, which the bankers 
have enjoyed, I have, probably, said enough*to 
arouse the indignation and curiosity of all true 
born patriots; enough to cause an investigation. 



—35— 

And now I refer you to writers who make this 
subject a specialty. See list advertised in this 
book. To discuss this subject alone is not iny ob- 
ject. 

The next thing on the list of conspiracy is 
the Natioual Banking Act of February 25th, 1863. 
I cannot give space to the many sections 
which constitute the Act; but will give you its 
declared, and real objects. First, I will describe 
the law in brief: It provided, that any number of 
natural-born persons, not less than' five, with a 
capital of not less than $50,000, shall engage in 
and enjoy the privileges of the Act. The privi- 
leges were: That any capitalist could buy United 
States notes with their appreciated gold for about 
fifty cents on the dollar; then buy United States 
bonds, dollar for dollar, thereby obtaining one 
dollar of bonds for fifty cents in coin; then they 
could deposit $100,000 of such bonds with the 
Treasurer, which they had bought for $50,000; 
and then the Treasurer would issue §90,000 in 
Bank notes, for which the bankers had to pay 
one per cent, interest, being $900. But the gov- 
ernment would pay the bankers five per cent, on 
the $100,000 worth of bonds deposited; and would 
exempt their bonds and notes from taxation. 

Therefore the bankers would make a profit- 
according to the following table: 

Amount actually invested, - - $50,000 
Interest paid on circulation, - - 900 

Total expense, - - $50,900 

Amount of interest on bonds, - $5,000 
of " on circulation, 9,000 
" gained, being exempt from 

taxation, - 1,900 

$15,900 



—86— 

This makes 31 per cent, on their money; be- 
side all this, they loan other people's money, get 
interest on what they owe and all that they have 
got invested; and are exempt from taxation. Ln 
the meantime they work (or steal) six hours a 
day, and then say that banking don't pay. 

Well, banking don't pay (the people), and 
they should have their business (stealing) stopped 
right away. 

The declared object was to furnish the gov- 
ernment money with which to carry on the war. 
.And you Who say that the banks came to the 
country's rescue, I ask you to look at the Treas- 
urer's reports, during the war. On July 1, 1864 — 
one year, four mouths and six days from the en- 
actment of the law— there was only $31,235,270 of 
bank notes in existence; not enough money to 
bear the expenses of the government a week. 
That looks like coming to the country's rescue, 
don't it? But when all danger had passed, then 
they increased their circulation to its limit. Oh. 
what patriotism?! They loved their country even 
unto death, (the death of the country, I mean.) 

The real object was to own enough of the cir- 
culating medium to control the volume of money; 
thereby regulate the price of labor and labor's 
products; hence subject a nation of people to the 
thralldom of "wage slavery," both "black and 
wJhite." 

The next thing on the list is the contraction 
law of 1866. I cannot afford to give space to this 
law, either, although I will give you its object. 

In the first place, you are aware of the crea- 
tion of an enormous debt (fraud); and that the 
people had about $2,000,000,000 of money, exclu- 
sive of the gold and silver, with which to pay the 
debt, and would have soon paid it, had it not 
been for the "Con traction Act," which took the 
money from the people, reduced the price of their 






—87— 

products, promoted the bankers to the position of 
Commander in Chief of Money Volume. 'And 
they knew, full well, their duty; so, that they 
have so skillfully carried out. their task, that the 
United States debt (fraud) of to-day is as hard to 
pay, and would take more of the laborers' pro- 
ducts to pay it, than it would have taken to pay 
it in 1866. Notwithstanding, there has been 
about $4,000,000,000 of principal and interest al- 
ready paid; and yet the debt (fraud) is as large as 
ever. This is another assertion that may be con- 
troverted, but it will prove itself: 

As the tax to pay with must come off of la- 
bor's product, suppose we compare the prices of 
that date with the present. Kow, we w 7 ill take 
wheat, labor's main resource. The average price 
of wheat in 1866, according to the American Al- 
manac, w T as $2.82 J per bushel. The average price 
of 1889, about .82 per bushel. Hence you can see 
that it is about 3J~ times harder to pay a billion 
dollars now than it was then. The debt (fraud) 
was then nearly $3,000,000,000; now over $1,500,- 
000,000; therefore, you can see that the debt (fraud) 
is harder to pay now than it was then. 

The real object was to prevent the payment 
of the steal, and fund it into centuries, thereby 
compel the honest labor to pay tribute to the 
money power forever, or until 

Now, I refer you to your reason. 

The next act is of great import, and is known 
as the "Credit Strengthening Act;" and reads as 
follows: Sec. 3693. The faith of the United States, 
is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its 
equivalent of all the obligatins of the United 
States, not interest bearing, known as United 
States notes, and of all the interest bearing obli- 
gations of the United States, except in cases where 
the law authorizing the issue of any such obliga- 
tions has expressly provided that the same 



—88— 

may be paid in lawful money or other currency 
than gold and silver. But none of the interest 
bearing 1 obligations not already due shall be re- 
deemed or paid before maturity, unless at such 
time United States notes are convertible into coin 
at the option of the holder, or unless at such time 
bonds of the United States, bearing a lower rate 
of interest than the bonds to be redeemed can be 
sold at par in coin. The faith of the United 
States is also solemnly pledged to make provis- 
ions at the earliest practicable period for the re- 
demption of the United States notes in coin. Act- 
or Dec. 18, 1869. 

Why was this section of law enacted^ 

And in answer, I will call your attention to 
the fact, that there was $346,000*, 000, of the "green- 
backs" that escaped, with a narrow chance, the 
force of contraction. And the bondholders did 
not want these "greenbacks' 7 in payment of their 
bonds, but wanted gold or its equivalent; hence 
comes the "Credit Strengthening Act," making 
the debt (legal steal) $675,000,000 larger; also, mak- 
ing it payable in coin; thereby adding this enor- 
mous sum to the coffers of the bondholders on ac- 
count of the premium paid on coin. This being 
a legislative steal, for the reason, that the bond- 
holder first agreed to take any legal tender money 
and this included the "greenbacks." Therefore, 
the object of this law, was to add a few hun- 
dred more millionaires to the already existing 
hundreds that had been legislated into existence. 

But, hark! After the foregoing law was en- 
acted, a sound comes from the Nevada silver 
mines, that quakes the entire shylock kingdom. 

The bondholders were not content with coin, 
unless it was dear; and fearing that coin would 
become plenty, and then the people could pay 
their debts; and the creditor classes w^ould cease 






—89- 



to reap their annual harest of usury. Hence, 

comes the Act, demonetizing silver 

Here, I now close my brief sketch of conspira- 
cies. I have only endeavored to call your atten- 
tiou to the conspiracies against the honest labor- 
ers of the Unitd States; hoping that you will fur- 
ther investigate. I give you a list of books, and 
admonish you to read and act, or else you will be 
trampled underfoot by the iron heel of despotism. 



WHAT IS WRONG WITH THE PEO- 
PLE OF THE UNITED STATES ? 



First, it is a medicine which they have been, 
and are still taking; and a receipt for the com- 
pound is as follows: Equal parts of 



Avarice. 



Love of power. 
Love of gold. 
Love of fame. 
Love of self. 
Love of nobility, 
regardless of right. 



f In National affairs. 
| In State affairs. 
Indolence, \ In County affairs. 
! In home affairs. 
[Trusting to other men^ judgment. 

'Thinking that man is cute, 
and, that you are wisest. 
Thinking that all men are fools, 
fc and that they will remain fools. 



Conceit. - 



The lack of: - 



—go- 
Education. 
Resolution. 
Independence. 
Patriotism. 
Self reliance. 
Knowing how to 

love one's country. 



This is a compound that is patented by the 
Devil, and the people of the United States are 
good customers. The directions for taking are as 
follows: 

(1.) Get up early and go to work. 

(2.) Work hard all day, and don't think of 
anything else, for fear you get too smart. 

(3.) When night comes, go to sleep, if you 
get a chance, so that you will be able to serve 
your masters on the next day. 

(4.) Serve the money lords all the time, ev- 
ery day and every year; because they are such 
good people; almost got wings? (wings to fly to 
Hell with.) 

(5.) Don't fret nor grumble, everything is all 
right, but you are all wrong; 'tend to your own 
business. 

(6.) Don't read nor talk, lest you learn, and 
offend the dignity of some people 

(7.) Vote the ticket your father did, and vote 
it straight, provided you vote for millionaires; 
they can buy any law that they want? 

(8.) Believe what your party bosses say; they 
are " sages?" and all they w T ant is only some 
office, then to serve (or steal from) the people. 

(9.) Be obedient unto your masters, do what 
they say, right or wrong; kill and starve, if neces- 
sary, or else you will be damned.? 

. (10.) Comply with these directions; especial- 
ly teach your children, wives, sisters, brothers, 
gram pas, grandmas, uncles, aunts, nephews, 



—91- 

nieces, colonels, captains, corporals, privates, 
friends and all their friends; in fact do the duty 
of a slave, and teach the whole world to be obedi- 
ent to the MONEY POWER. 

The natural effect of this medicine is to total- 
ly destroy liberty and fraternity, and centralize 
the wealth of the people into the hands of a few 
men, and make slaves of the yeomanry of every 
land. This has been the result in all nations' 
last days. 

The most learned pharmacists of this com- 
pound are bankers, bondholders, money brokers, 
and privileged corporations. The spoon with 
which they feed their medicine to the patient is: 
the subsidized press, party bosses, and the 
scheming intelligence of office seeking, eloquent 
orators. In reality, the vices of man have placed 
us in our present condition. 

It is the nature of man, for a scheming few to 
work against the prosperity of the whole, by the 
means of deception. 

I will now quote the language of William H. 
Harrison, used in his inaugural address: 

"It was a remark of a Roman Consul in an 
early period of that celebrated Republic, that a 
most striking contrast was observable in the con- 
duct of candidates for offices of power and trust, 
before and after obtainiug them — they seldom 
carry out in the latter case the pledges and prom- 
ises made in the former. However, much the 
world has improved, in many respects, in the 
lapse of upwards of two thousand years since the 
remark was made by the virtuous and indignant 
Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the an- 
nals of some of the modern elective governments, 
would develop similar instances of violated confi- 
dence." 

Now, you see that deception has been the 
mode by which designing men have obtained 



—92-^ 

power in human governments. It is a disposition 
of man to deceive and to be deceived. 

All constitutions ot human governments here- 
tofore, have given men the right to make good 
promises to the people before their election, and 
when elected they are made privileged charac- 
ters; that is, they can make good laws or bad 
laws, suiting their own taste about what the Con- 
stitution means. 

All constitutions have allowed the most aris- 
tocratic "demons" to obtain seats in the people's 
legislative halls. These "demons" have never 
been known, in history, to grant the masses equi- 
table laws, unless through a concession, when 
their lives are threatened by the just revenge of 
an oppressed people. 

All constitutions have been bent and twisted 
to suit the various opinions of each legislative as- 
sembly; and each opinion is claimed to be a cor- 
rect interpretation of the constitution, according 
to a preamble which declares for exact justice; 
and the rule of justice is immutable, yet each dif- 
ferent, and even the same, political assembly en- 
acts laws visa versa to the preceding assemblies! 
and each assembly claims allegiance to the exact 
letter and spirit of the framer&of their constitu- 
tion. 

All constitutions have been bent and twisted 
to suit men's views, just like the Bible, until 
there are 666 denominations of religion, when in 
fact there should be but one; for there is only one 
God, one Heaven, one road, one criterion, to 
which all shall be subjected; also there are now, 
on account of the various opinions of justice be- 
tween man and man, hundreds of isms, ics, and 
ty-ty 7 s, and the men of every land are divided on 
every hand. 

Yet justice has but one throne, one law, one 
object, and these are plain to all sane men. 



' 



—93— 

Some people have become infidels and very 
immoral persons, on account of the various opin- 
ions on true religion; also, some people have be- 
come Anarchists and Socialists on account of the 
failure of constitutional governments in granting 
equitable laws to the people. 

This is what is wrong; now comes the "reme- 
dy." 



THE KEMEDY. 



First. Agitate until the whole people begin 
to meditate; and agitate until the whole people 
educate themselves to know what is wrong, and 
how to love their country. And when you edu- 
cate the whole people thus, they will become res- 
olute, independent, self-reliant; then while they 
are in this stage of action, let them adopt a Con- 
stitution that is the exact letter of justice, and 
make said Constitution containing provisions 
adapted to a country in times of war, in times of 
peace, prosperity, and adversity; and make said 
Constitution an interpretation of itself. Say what 
Congress shall do,*and what it shall not do. This 
may be easier said than done; but it must be done 
before we prosper; and it will be done, I hope, in 
the near future, if the people want it done; and 
if they don't want it done, they seal their own 
doom — this is brief, but it means volumes. Do it, 
and you brave, despotic tyrants, you will defeat 
the last resort of designing men, to-wit: unjust 
legislation. You will make yourselves and all 
posterity the happy recipients of prosperity, fra- 
ternity, liberty and the laws of justice. It is a 
waste of time; for to make our demands only in 



—04— 

statute law, if we wish to effect any permanent 
good, for the reason that it has taken about 15 
years to educate the people to the present stage of 
action, and still their object is nnattained; but 
should honest labor in the near future get strong 
enough to obtain their wishes, and only make 
their demands in statute law, how long would 
it be till the designing few would get into power, 
and change the statute laws to suit the taste of 
the aristocracy? It certainly would not be long. 
Therefore, our demands must be embodied in our 
Constitution, and made hard to change, or else in , 
a few years we will have to leave the party name 
which adopted our demands, and renew the 
struggle for liberty, in the ranks of a new party; 
for all reforms are brought about through the in- 
strumentality of a third party. For instance, our 
forefathers were a third party in the Kingdom of 
Great Britain. The Republican party was a third 
party in America to free the negroes from chattle 
slavery. Now, what will be the name of the new 
party, which will free the people of the United 
State, both white and black, from a slavery to 
the money power*/ That new party must come, 
and come soon, or it may be too late; for never in 
history did an old party radically reform, and we 
must have a radical reform. 



CONCLUSION. 



Kind reader, now I conclude this brief little 
volume, which I have submitted to your decis- 
ion. And if you will criticise ; as I am not pres- 
ent to reply, I ask one more favor, to wit, that 
you will declare to your friends, that condemna- 
tion which you deem that I deserve. And if I 
am guilty of a deviation from the precepts of Jus- 
tice, I invoke upon myself a penalty equal to the 



—95— 

offense. If this little volume will not stand the 
crucial ordeal of scrutinizing righteous reason, it 
does not comply with the wishes of its author; 
and I ask, that its defects be clearly expounded, 
and made known to the world. Then you may 
give me the name of one who loves . his country, 
but knows not how to serve that adored object of 
all true born patriots. But should this volume 
stand the philosophy of equity, I ask, not for 
pages of eulogy, nor songs of praise, but I im- 
plore you to devote all your spare time and ener- 
gy in carrying into effect the manifested object of 
its author. I have only briefly stated and argu- 
ed my propositions, with the view to invite an 
investigation of the past, regardless of filial or 
party ties; 

For he who fears to unearth the truth, 

Is not a patriot, but a coward, a traitor forsooth. 

Will you refuse to investigate, and be stigma- 
tized as a coward and a traitor? If you do, you 
blight your own happiness, you damn your own 
selves by such refusal. 

Or, will you investigate, and fulfill that noble 
calling of an honorable man, boy, woman, or girl, 
who loves their country, and dares to vindicate 
their natural rights? 

I have abridged this volume, so to make it as 
cheap as possible, that it may reach more read- 
ers; that it may be echoed from every hill, prai- 
rie and dale; and sent across the Atlantic wave; 
and that its success or failure will be great; and 
now come weal or woe, its final words will soon 
be spoken. 

Hark! Have ye brave sons and fair daughters? 
Have ye reverence for those who crossed Atlantic Waters? 
Look into the future, and behold your sons' and daughters' fate, 
And redeem them before the time grows late! 

May the good that this volume does be ap- 
preciated, and may the God of Mercy forbid its 



—96— 

bringing harm on my fellow man, and if the idea 
is right, may it redeem the long-cherished hopes 
of all oppressed people of the world, from equator 
to pole. 

History of the Wheel and Farmers 7 Alliance, 

Large Illustra'd vol., 778 pages, Morgan, $2.25 
Alliance and Labor Songster, - Vincent, .10 
Smith's Diagram of Parliamentary Rules, for 

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Tokology, for Woman, cloth, Dr. Stockham, 2.00 
Prospects for Humanity, 2 Lect's, Randall, .15 
Your Answer or Your Life, 100 p., - Hull, .25 
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large paper, 190 pages, - - Jones, .50 
Baker on Money, standard, - - Baker, .25 
Pointers, 80 pages, - Hart and Bhodybeck, .25 
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